1 引言
1964年英国社会学家Glass首次提出绅士化（Gentrification，也可称为中产阶层化、高档化）概念，旨在描述工业革命后期，中产阶层因城市中心生活条件改善而重返内城，从而引发物质环境更新与低收入群体置换的现象[1]，是一种涉及阶层群体、物质环境、生产方式、社会文化和消费模式的空间重构过程[2]。这一过程总是伴随着资本的再投资，是市场运作的必然结果。20世纪90年代全球旅游业兴起，资本投资模式转变，旅游活动的变革作用日益凸显，旅游绅士化现象应运而生[3]。2005年Gotham以美国VieuxCarre为例，将旅游绅士化定义为一种社会经济现象，以描述区域内大型娱乐活动和旅游场所是如何将中产阶层社区转变为相对富裕地区的过程[4]，并论述了旅游业在空间转型中的作用。此后，许多学者开始关注旅游绅士化与空间变迁的内在关系。一部分学者认为旅游绅士化是社会经济和当代城市景观的关键塑造力量[5]，是促进城市中心、遗产街区土地价值回归的“全球性战略”[6]；而另一部分学者认为，旅游绅士化带动区域租金提升，迫使原住民迁移，加剧了社会空间分异[7]。
Smith认为绅士化出现的本质在于“租差”的不断扩大。当某一地区的潜在预期地租远高于资本化地租，并能为投资方提供可观利润收入时，资本则会对该地区进行投资，绅士化现象随之产生[8-9]。西方绅士化根植于自由市场中资本的不平衡流动，国家干预较少。就中国而言，国家拥有土地的所有权，能够利用土地权利分配，掌握土地增值所产生的权益[10]。当地政府通过土地征用，将租赁权与使用权转移至旅游经营公司，最大限度地以行政手段推动空间重构。正是这一特殊的土地制度，造就了中国语境下旅游绅士化的“政府主导型”特征。在这一过程中，政府作为最大的权力组织主导旅游绅士化进程，同时与投资者、其他绅士群体进行博弈，共同推动地区向专属的旅游绅士化空间转变[10]。“租差”的产生与扩大的过程总是伴随着不同利益主体对空间的改造更新，因此，从绅士化是社会空间的更替这一本质出发，政治经济学的空间生产理论可以用来阐释旅游绅士化现象。本文选取上海市朱家角古镇为研究案例，立足“租差”理论与空间生产理论视角，力图厘清权力、资本和社会共同作用下的旅游绅士化过程、特征及作用机制，丰富绅士化研究的内容和视角，为朱家角古镇旅游可持续发展提供借鉴，创新长三角一体化战略实施路径，有助于加深对转型期中国城郊型乡村振兴、城乡关系演变和城乡融合发展等方面的理解和认识。
2 研究动态与理论基础
2.1 相关研究动态
2005年Gotham首次提出旅游绅士化的概念，经过十余年的发展，旅游绅士化研究在不同半球间[11-12]、东西方间[13-14]、不同国家[15]和不同地域间[16-17]不断涌现，已成为绅士化研究的热点话题。旅游绅士化作为一种社会现象，对原有地区的物质环境有着显著的影响，而原有空间转变为旅游绅士化专属空间的过程，则蕴含着不同空间行为主体的权力博弈[16]。众多案例分析表明，政府和投资者是空间权力的主导者和推动者[14]。政府通过制定相关旅游发展政策，打造旅游目的地，通过空间再分配与吸引投资商将原有空间开发成为具有不同功能的已被“设计”的空间，继而提供诸如餐饮、住宿等服务，并将其以一定价格出租或售卖给游客等群体[18]。有学者进一步指出，政府和投资者通过权力与资本的联结[19]，使得现有城市空间正在经历“空间商品化”的过程，居民与游客只能作为参与者与再造空间的承担者[20]。具有高经济或文化资本的外来人群也推动着地区旅游绅士化的发展[21]。他们通常以追求更为舒适的生存环境与休闲的生活方式，与游客、居民共享公共空间[22]，并将自己的审美倾向与文化素养融入到公共空间中，在一定意义上形成了“旅游飞地”[11]。居民也是推动旅游绅士化空间生产的重要参与者[23]。由于土地产权的私有化和房屋交易的自由化，居民往往会陷入旅游绅士化所带来的“置换危机”中[24]，导致直接或间接的流离失所[25⇓-27]，然而仍有一部分居民通过抗议游行[28]、成立本地委员会[29]的方式影响着绅士化进程，一定程度上保护了原有的空间权益。
2006年中国学者赵玉宗较早将旅游绅士化引介到国内，介绍了其概念、类型与机制[30]；随后又以南京市总统府周边为例，探讨了城市旅游绅士化的特征与影响因素[31]。冯淑华等关注自驾旅游者这个当时新兴的中产阶层，分析了其旅游活动对目的地产生的旅游绅士化效应（旅游吸引物、住宿业、旅游购物、旅游信息系统等方面）[32]。还有学者分别针对丽江古城以及南京老城南地区开展了城市文化遗产地和历史文化街区的旅游绅士化研究[33-34]。对于城市地区而言，旅游绅士化通常以政府主导的大规模城市更新与旅游项目开发为主。在这一过程中，原有的生产、生活空间或未开发用地转变为消费空间、旅游空间与商业空间，如深圳华侨城[16]、上海迪士尼乐园[35]、武汉大李村[36]、佛山岭南天地[37]、南京总统府[31]、成都宽窄巷子[38]等。较多研究表明中国乡村地区拥有可供旅游开发的资源禀赋，当地居民自发开展旅游经营活动，推动旅游绅士化现象初步形成，并最终被地方政府与企业集团接管，如广西巴马村[39]、惠州上良村[40]、丹霞山瑶塘村与和断石村[41]、黄山西溪南村[42]、南通市仇湖村[43]等。国内学术界提出旅游绅士化的议题较早，但总体上相关研究十分有限，零星研究主要涉及到城市地区，近年较多关注乡村地带。大城市郊区传统村镇具有的丰富历史文化遗产资源、良好的区位条件和庞大的市场需求等优势，在实践上已成为旅游绅士化现象较为突出的地域，相对而言缺乏应有的关注。
2.2 理论基础
本文的理论基础包括“租差”理论和空间生产理论。旅游绅士化理论基础沿袭绅士化“租差”理论进行解释，即当某一地区的潜在地租远高于实际地租，形成地租差额，并能为投资方提供客观利润收入时，资本的空间不平衡流动属性则会对该地区进行一系列投资，最终房价攀升，迫使居民迁移，绅士化现象产生[8-9]。土地开发之初，各主体之间的博弈确保了土地经济价值的最大化，此时潜在地租等于实际地租，租差为零。在此之后，随着城市基础设施的兴建使得该地区潜在地租上升，而实际地租（即资本化地租）因附着在这之上建筑物的折旧而不断下降。这一“租差”逐渐增大，直到“租差”足以支付投资所需费用并产生满意的利润时，资本会重新流入，城市面貌发生改变，推动绅士化现象产生（图1a）。旅游绅士化是资本在生产领域投资模式的新转变，在空间生产的过程中赋予地区旅游功能，实现土地价值的再利用和空间改造。然而，地租变化会受到多种因素影响，史密斯的模型可能只适用于特定条件下的特殊情况[44]。与西方中产阶层重返内城不同的是，中国的绅士化现象与政府主导的城市更新息息相关[45]。中国实行国家和集体土地所有制，开发权、收益权和使用权归属主体多元化，与西方的土地私有制形成差异[46-47]。因此，针对史密斯的租差理论在中国语境下的局限性，国内有学者对租差理论模型进行了修正[48]，指出租差由政府地块重建产生的“实际租差”和房地产持续增值产生的“预期租差”两部分组成（图1b），为合理解释中国绅士化现象提供了有效的分析工具。
图1
旅游绅士化现象的产生与形成，其本质是空间的更替。在这一过程中，不同权力主体相互博弈，影响着空间重构的结果。列斐伏尔提出，空间是社会的产物，需关注“空间本身的生产”，建构了一个空间的“三元分析框架”，即物质空间、精神空间和社会空间，以实现理论上的统一，概括为空间的实践（Spatial Practice）、空间的表征（Representations of Space）和表征的空间（Representations Space），并用该理论框架来阐释城市空间的生产过程[49-50]。国内有学者将现代旅游空间活动对接至列斐伏尔的系统理论内涵，将其进一步抽象为3个层次：第一个层次为“旅游空间的实践”，与“空间的实践”相对应，是指在客观存在的物质空间的基础上，进行旅游景观改造和其他文化物质载体的开发活动；第二个层次为“旅游空间的表征”，与“空间的表征”相对应，是指通过制定政策、制度，运用规划、策划手段，对一系列旅游要素符号化建构的过程；第三个层次为“表征的旅游空间”，与“表征的空间”相对应，是指利益相关群体在旅游影响下的社会关系变迁，如旅游收益、旅游发展机会、旅游体验等[51]。
3 研究区概况与数据资料来源
3.1 研究区概况
朱家角古镇位于上海市青浦区西部，沪苏浙交界处（图2a），有近1000年历史。因其水网密布，水上交通便捷，又紧靠大淀湖，鱼类资源丰富，是远近闻名的鱼米之乡和工商业集镇。2021年全镇常住人口10.15万，其中外来常住人口为4.38万，占总人口的46%。全镇文化遗产丰富，历史遗存众多，古镇核心区建筑以明清时期为主，整体街巷格局保存完好。1991年被列为上海市历史文化名镇，同年上海朱家角旅游开发实业公司成立；2004年被评为国家级4A级景区，开始引进艺术家工作室，古镇观光旅游逐步向休闲度假旅游转型；2006年被评为“中国最值得外国人去的50个地方”之一；2007年被列为中国历史文化名镇；2016年被住房城乡建设部评为首批“中国特色小镇”；2019年成为长三角生态绿色一体示范区先行启动区的核心地域。2020年朱家角古镇旅游区共接待游客259万人次，广受海内外游客好评。本文案例地为朱家角古镇及周边地区，包括古镇区、老镇区和新镇区3个部分，占地6.68 km2，是朱家角古镇旅游业发展的核心区域。其中，古镇区以朱家角古镇旅游区为主，重在打造江南文化与艺术的历史街区（图2b）；老镇区为旅游活动提供配套服务，同时也是镇区居民的主要聚集地；新镇区定位高端旅游市场，是上海市著名的别墅住宅区和休闲度假区。在当前旅游日益成为人民生活“刚性需求”的现实背景下，在中国土地流转和房屋产权制度约束下，朱家角古镇旅游空间、消费空间的形成，成为政府和开发商主导下旅游绅士化推动空间重构的典型案例。
图2
图2
朱家角镇区位及古镇景区内部导览图
Fig. 2
Location of Zhujiajiao Town and internal guide map of ancient town scenic spots
3.2 数据资料来源
笔者于2020年11月、2021年10月、12月3次前往朱家角古镇进行调研。通过非参与式观察对案例地进行实地考察，观察当地物质景观的变化，以及整个镇区的社会、经济及空间变迁，并进入地方政府部门和官方网站查询和搜集相关基础资料。
调研所涉及的访谈内容是在相关文献总结和实地预调研的基础上拟定，并由多名旅游学专家组成的研究小组参与访谈提纲的最终修订；在调研对象的选择上，采用分区抽样的策略，以距离古镇旅游区的远近进行不同地区访谈对象的随机抽样。对35名受访者进行面对面、半结构化的深度访谈，包括政府工作者、艺术家、游客、外来商户（以上4类访谈对象23人，均位于古镇旅游区内）、本地居民（5人，来自主干道祥凝浜路两侧及东大门社区）和度假定居者（7人，来自古镇外围高端住宅区，具体位置为大淀湖东侧绿洲江南园、大淀湖北侧观澜府、大淀湖西北侧悦湖郡、中心镇区西南侧康桥水乡、中心镇区东南侧淀湖山庄）等，年龄上主要集中于中年人，其中20~40岁6人，40~60岁24人，60岁以上5人①(①下文中A代表政府工作者，B代表艺术家，C代表度假定居者，D代表外来商户，E代表本地居民，F代表游客。)。访谈内容围绕旅游开发前后朱家角古镇的人口数量、房地产市场、物质环境、社会文化氛围等4个方面展开，最终得到访谈文本共4.2万字。
4 朱家角古镇旅游绅士化发展阶段与特征
国内外研究表明，绅士化群体不仅仅是具有较高经济收入的人群，具有良好的文化素养的群体同样可以利用其较高的文化资本影响空间变迁，甚至拥有较高旅游经营意识的当地居民都可以被认为是旅游绅士化群体[11,17,49 -50]。对于朱家角古镇而言，当地的旅游绅士化主体基本可分为3类：①“生活方式型绅士”，主要为度假区高经济资本居民；②“高文化资本型绅士”，主要为古镇景区内的艺术家；③“自我提升型绅士”，主要为拥有旅游经营意识，较早进行旅游经营活动的本地居民。随着古镇旅游的日益繁荣，政府、规划者、外来投资商以及各类旅游绅士群体围绕着旅游空间变迁持续互动、合作与博弈，为古镇带来社会、经济、文化、景观等方面的一系列变化，并呈现出不同的发展阶段与特征。本文采用等间隔分段、关键事件节点等地理现象时间演化划分方法[52]，参考已有研究成果，并结合当地旅游发展背景和大事件[48,53 -54]，将1991年上海朱家角旅游开发实业公司的成立以及2004年朱家角古镇4A级景区的获批作为两个标志性的分界线，朱家角古镇旅游绅士化据此可划分为旅游绅士化萌芽阶段、旅游绅士化初级阶段和旅游绅士化发展阶段。
4.1 旅游绅士化萌芽阶段
1991年以前是朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的萌芽阶段。1991年以前，古镇旅游开发处于探索阶段，未付诸行动。1990年全镇户籍居民6815户，常住人口24677人②(②数据来源：朱家角镇地方志编纂委员会. 朱家角乡志. 上海. 新大陆出版社, 2007.)，绝大部分居民从事农业、商业和手工业。古镇较为完整地保留了传统江南水乡的空间形态和社会结构，村镇景观与居民生产生活方式具有鲜明的农耕文化特色。
这一时期，中国基本处于社会主义计划经济时代。朱家角古镇人口主要为从事传统农工商业的本地居民，迁入与迁出人口较少，人口数量未发生显著变化。区域内基础设施建设匮乏，仅有一条主干道，其余为街巷道路，串联起明清建筑群；居民住房以自建房为主，生活设施简陋，居住条件较差。当地土地所有权归属国家或集体所有，土地使用权、处分权等土地权利分属不同主体，居民仅仅享有使用权，无法进行房屋自由交易。此时中国尚处于社会主义福利体制、住房市场化改革未启动阶段，朱家角古镇土地及住房的交换价值处于“地租隐藏阶段”[48]，资本化地租尚未显现。社会文化方面，以血缘关系为纽带的社会关系错综复杂，文娱活动缺乏，村民自治特征明显。该阶段后期，中国的改革开放不断推进，提出了社会主义经济是以公有制为基础的有计划的商品经济，市场调节手段日益得到重视，改革的重点也开始从农村走向城市。1988年实施城市土地有偿使用制度，1990年国家做出开发开放浦东的重大战略部署，掀起了上海大发展的序幕，在此背景下朱家角镇政府开始思考以古镇核心区发展旅游业，尝试转变过往以农业和手工业为主的产业发展模式。
4.2 旅游绅士化初级阶段
1991—2004年是朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的初级阶段。1991年上海朱家角旅游开发实业公司成立，同年朱家角镇被列为上海市历史文化名镇。朱家角旅游开发实业公司为古镇旅游开发注入资本，通过一系列修复性、保护性开发计划，整治河道，改善旅游环境。1994年国家实行分税制改革，增加了地方政府财政压力的同时，也有效激发了地方政府发展经济的积极性，地方政府开始利用本地的比较优势和优质资源，进行招商引资活动。在此背景下，朱家角镇政府发布“免费租房，减免税收”的招商引市政策，众多商铺相继开市，餐饮、零售、旅馆等店铺开始涌现，古镇旅游呈现出一幅繁荣景象。
经过长期的保护与开发，朱家角古镇形成了以展现江南水乡风貌的古镇旅游景区和以面向观光游客的现代化旅游业态街区。与此同时，朱家角中心镇区的道路、桥梁、管道、电力、通讯等基础设施得到了全面改善，成为高端度假地产开发，吸引外来移民的物质前提。“就是从2002年开始，整个街道开始大建设，也是这一时期，朱家角的商品房开始越来越多，道路变宽，像主干道祥凝浜路和珠溪路也是这个时期拓宽的，房子外形是统一设计的，就专门为里面的（古镇）旅游区服务，整个城市面貌变化特别大”（A3, 政府工作者）。
得益于古镇核心区居民的悉数搬迁以及大规模基础设施建设，朱家角古镇实现了旅游业的整体性发展。在此过程中，朱家角镇迁往市区务工的外迁人口逐年减少③(③结论相关数据来源：作者整理1990—2020年《青浦区统计年鉴》。)，少量外地商户与本地人口开始投入到旅游经营中。同时，城市生产生活设施得到全面更新与改造，城市道路趋近现代化，河道与内部街巷得到整治，旅游服务街区兴起。1998年全国范围内正式取消福利分房，城市土地与住房的市场价值被激活。此时朱家角古镇的土地和住房资本化地租开始进入“租差显露阶段”[48]。更为重要的是，因早期落后的城市基础设施而隐藏的低资本化地租与基于良好区位与文化价值的高潜在地租开始被关注，为房地产开发提供了可观的利润空间，大量资金进入到当地的房地产市场，地租不断跃升[48]。以改善型住房为主的地产开发率先进入房产市场，吸引本地居民及少数市区中产阶层购买，当地房价开始升高。除此之外，政府通过一系列策划、营销，通过举办古镇旅游节、水乡音乐节等节庆活动对当地的艺术文化氛围产生了潜移默化的影响。旅游开发所带来的城市更新，为高端度假地产的大规模建设和移民迁入提供了物质条件，继而为后续的资本化地租大幅跃升以及旅游绅士化的发展奠定基础。
4.3 旅游绅士化发展阶段
2004年至今是朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的发展阶段。2004年朱家角古镇被列为4A级景区，旅游发展定位也由传统的观光旅游向文化、休闲、度假旅游转变，随之而来的艺术家与中产阶层是最为重要的绅士群体。一方面，朱家角旅游投资公司收购了217户老建筑，并通过公开拍卖、招商的方式吸引具有高文化资本的艺术家群体参与到旅游经营活动当中。作为古镇的“新居民”，他们的文化习惯、审美倾向、生活方式对古镇产生了一定影响。许多艺术家在相关管理条例维持房屋外部特征不变的规则下，对破旧的传统民居进行修缮，实现了空间价值的再利用。另一方面，朱家角镇政府大力开发高端度假地产，使得拥有高经济收入的外来移民大量涌入，购买房产进行投资、居住。这些以休闲度假为主要目的的外来移民居住在新镇区的别墅群，与居民沟通较少，逐渐在当地形成了以地缘、业缘为纽带的专属生活空间、社会空间。“朱家角周边的别墅区，房子价格很高的，当时2004年开盘比较多，当时房价就是2万多，现在基本上买不到，有市无价”（C3, 康桥水乡居民）。绅士群体的不断迁入，为当地带来了现代化的生产生活方式，艺术化的审美习惯，推动朱家角古镇高档化、专属化空间的形成。
这一时期，旅游绅士化现象快速发展。文化旅游转型与休闲度假住宅兴起，以艺术家和中产阶层为主的绅士群体人口迅速增加，通过经营文化场所、购置房产投资居住等方式，将朱家角古镇作为逃避城市生活压力的“第二居所”。绅士群体是人口流动的主体，同时也是地区高房价的承担者。他们的休闲度假需求与古镇所营造的“空间想象”不谋而合，房屋价值逐渐由居住价值转变为投资交易价值，资本化地租迅速跃升并远超潜在地租，表现为高昂的房屋价格逐渐脱离基准地价的正常增长[48]。除此之外，政府与企业集团通过资本运作、媒体宣传等方式，将地区旅游开发重点由建成区环境投资转向对文化、教育等社会性投资，实现了资本第二级循环向资本第三级循环转变。在此过程中，传统的文化空间开始转变，多元化、艺术化氛围逐渐形成，本地居民的文娱活动愈发丰富。在发展阶段的后期，由于建设用地减少，休闲度假地产开发减缓，中产阶层迁入人数较少，人口流动趋于平稳。土地价值的稀缺性支撑起中产阶层高端住宅的高保有量，使得朱家角镇房屋市场出现“有市无价”的情况，本地房屋价格呈高位停滞态势，波动较小。然而，中产阶层围绕大淀湖居住，其高昂的房价让本地居民望而却步，加剧了居住空间分异。通过旅游绅士化的阶段性发展（表1），朱家角古镇实现了全球化生产生活方式与地方化文化景观相得益彰、兼容并蓄，地理景观和社会空间的持续性重塑，逐渐成为满足社会精英群体空间想象的消费空间和多维度综合化发展的生产空间，成为高端化的旅游绅士化社区（图3）。
表1 朱家角古镇旅游绅士化阶段及特征
Tab. 1
| 发展阶段 | 人口状况 | 房地产市场 | 物质环境 | 社会文化氛围 |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 萌芽阶段 | 以本地居民为主，人口流动较少 | 农村自建房为主，未参与房屋买卖，地租隐藏阶段 | 破旧的明清建筑，城市基础设施缺乏 | 传统乡土文化氛围，社会关系以血缘为纽带 |
| 初级阶段 | 外来人口增多，以旅游商户为主 | 改善型住房开发，房屋价格开始升高，租差显露并开始上升 | 现代化的城市基础设施，旅游配套服务功能凸显 | 引入节庆活动，流行文化开始进入 |
| 发展阶段 | 外来人口增多，以休闲度假者为主，后期变化较小 | 高端旅游地产开发，地租大幅跃升，房屋价格飙升并维持高位停滞 | 现代化消费空间产生，大型商场出现 | 多元的文化氛围形成，以业缘和地缘为纽带的社会关系，居住空间分异出现 |
图3
图3
不同旅游绅士化阶段的朱家角古镇景观
注：图a由朱家角镇政府经发办提供；图b、c来源于Google Earth；图d、e来源于作者拍摄；图f来源于网络（
Fig. 3
Landscape of Zhujiajiao Town in different stages of tourism gentrification
5 朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的空间生产过程
绅士化群体在旅游开发过程中投身于当地原有空间的重组与生产，对当地的物质空间、精神空间、社会空间均产生了深刻且多样的影响。运用空间生产理论，从影响古镇旅游绅士化的不同利益主体切入，对朱家角古镇旅游绅士化空间的生产过程进行解读，主要包括空间的实践、空间的表征、表征的空间。
5.1 空间的实践：旅游绅士化空间的景观塑造
传统空间的旅游实践是指朱家角镇政府在争取居民生产、生活空间使用权让渡，遵循保护与修复原则对原有景观空间进行旅游化改造。通过制定保护条例，划定核心保护区域，众多承载当地水乡文化符号和乡土印记的建筑、民居得以留存，同时具有旅游资源价值的历史古迹得到保护、修缮。不可否认的是，古镇居民在征收、保护、开发的一系列过程中，激发了强烈的情感链接，在此情况下，许多居民对古镇的物质空间旅游化改造呈中立或抵制态度。“文件上说的是1990年左右，统一对古镇区里的房屋进行修缮。但有些老人家住几十年了一下子让他搬出去接受不了，所以很多都是拖了很长时间才慢慢搬出去的”（A5, 政府工作者）。其次，交通、住宿、餐饮、公共服务等城市基础设施与旅游配套设施的更新、兴建，进一步破除了古镇的封闭性，增强可进入性，改善了人居环境，完善了旅游服务系统，成为旅游空间改造实践的重要表现形式。
生活空间的旅游实践是指具有旅游经营意识的本地居民，对生活空间不断进行旅游化改造，形成了具有特色文化标识的环境风貌和现代化的生产生活秩序。一方面，本地居民与外来商户在经济利益的驱使下，投入大量时间、资金，压缩居住空间，改造生活空间，将其转变成为具有现代化生活设施的休闲、游憩、消费、居住空间。“原来是一个院子，两个厢房一个仓库，我们把厢房做了隔断，做了6个小的房间，中间的天井和菜园我们也铲平了，做一个比较大的休闲空间”（D2, 某客栈老板）。另一方面，居民的生活意识与时空观念发生改变。在统一的市场经营规则的约束下，本地居民自觉售卖当地特色食品，塑造了良好的地区旅游形象，这也在一定程度上为本地居民回流从事旅游服务业提供了创业机会。“……一开始没有这么多的，自从2010年世博会以后，逐渐多了起来，这边设施都弄好了，我们就在这里租房子做生意……主要就是卖给游客”（E3, 古镇居民）。居民在获取旅游收益的同时，原有的生产生活方式也发生改变。时间上，传统的“日出而作，日落而息”的时间观念被打破，转变成以旅游活动为导向的白天营业时间与夜间营业时间；空间上，模糊的生活边界被重新整合，形成了约定俗成的、低流动性的、具有一定范围的旅游经营场所。
空间的实践是权力主体对原有空间进行解读，进行再生产的过程。传统的物质环境因时间的推移不断折损，将附着于破败环境之下的土地价值降至最低。在此过程中，各利益相关主体将自身诉求投射到空间的实践中，带来空间功能的置换：旅游商业空间置换社区商业空间，商业功能置换居住功能，外地消费置换本地消费。政府的旅游化实践本质上是以旅游空间改造、城市基础设施更新为表现形式的土地价值提升计划。通过这一计划，地区的潜在地租得以被关注，并成为资本不平衡流动的最终指向，为旅游地产的开发与资本化地租的跃迁创造前提。此外，以居民和商户为主的行动者通过改变自身惯习，重整空间资源与时间分配，实现了旅游经营的预期收益。这符合列斐伏尔所提出的“从一种生产方式转移到另一种生产方式时，必然伴随新空间的生产”的观点[50]。
5.2 空间的表征：旅游绅士化空间的规划与约束
5.2.1 政府：制度空间的主导者
政府以其强有力的空间“控制者”身份，成为主导旅游绅士化空间生产的关键力量。在朱家角古镇旅游绅士化空间的形成中，市、区、镇3级政府进行了大量制度建设探索，主要表现为宏观发展政策与景区管理制度两个方面（图4）。
图4
图4
政府主导的空间表征过程及结果
Fig. 4
Government-led spatial representation process and results
在宏观层面，市、区级的旅游政策将朱家角镇置于青浦西部地区、环淀山湖度假区这一区域旅游规划中：从“山、湖、港、岛”远郊度假区到西部休闲板块再到“山水画”古镇群、江南文化体验地，市、区政府通过制定一系列发展规划与计划（《上海旅游业发展三年（2003—2005年）行动计划》《淀山湖地区中期发展规划》《长三角生态绿色一体化发展示范区国土空间总体规划》等），指引朱家角镇旅游发展方向；由镇政府主导的相关政策强调修建性、可落地性。2004年以前，政策以保护古镇风貌，适度开发为主，如1993年《上海朱家角镇北大街保护振兴规划》。这一时期，朱家角镇逐渐由远郊传统村镇转变为旅游休闲观光目的地；2004年后，朱家角镇政府积极推动旅游产业转型，并出台相关政策促使朱家角古镇由传统的观光旅游景区向高端休闲度假“度假茂”转变，如2004年《朱家角古镇度假经济发展战略研究报告》。
在景区管理层面，朱家角镇政府制定详实可控的景区管理条例与规章制度，并成立上海珠溪文化旅游发展有限公司（简称文化旅游公司），成为古镇旅游景区的实际管理主体。文化旅游公司通过“押金拍租”的形式，与古镇北大街（核心街区）商业经营户签订经商协议书，同时出台免房租、免税收等优惠政策，在较短时间内将北大街沿线建设成为具有明清风格，富有文化内涵的旅游商业街区。随后，文化旅游公司相继出台管理条例与经营办法，以保障旅游市场平稳运行，避免同质化、恶性竞争和破坏古建筑等行为，如《关于北大街商业网点管理的若干规定》《关于朱家角旅游市场规范管理的请示》《朱家角明清街巷景点管理措施》《北大街沿街门面房管理办法》等。
5.2.2 规划者：空间构想的实现者
在各级政府的指导下，规划者对朱家角古镇既有的旅游资源与水乡文化进行梳理、整合，商业化运作，加强品牌建设与营销推广，并依托官方宣传网站（www.zhujiajiao.com）和微信公众号平台（乐游朱家角、朱家角发布）、古镇旅游宣传片等手段，使得“江南水乡古镇朱家角”作为一个旅游形象符号迅速推向全国。
规划者对朱家角古镇的资源意向与文化内核重新解读和再包装，创造出符合中产阶层消费与审美的旅游空间。“沪上江南”、“中国最值得外国人去的50个地方之一”等一系列旅游营销口号的背后，是规划者刻意弱化负面形象，围绕游客与绅士群体空间想象，进行符号化空间建构的结果。最终，“江南古镇”“休闲度假”成为朱家角古镇旅游的特色优势与代名词。“朱家角最初的旅游资源调查说“古”和“水”的资源比较好，就依靠这两个打出去度假休闲的口号，这样别人一说到上海的度假休闲，（第一反应）就是朱家角，就是要达到这样的效果”（A4, 政府工作者）。古镇旅游形象建构的同时，当地的传统文化氛围开始转变，逐渐形成传统与现代并存，生活与旅游功能兼具的文化空间。民间节庆活动作为精神文化空间的重要载体，被逐渐推向市场，由传统的祭祀、祈福功能转变为文化旅游演绎。由政府所创造的多国语言旅游标识和由商户、居民所创造的店铺名称与广告等语言景观，也是当地旅游文化空间转变的重要表现。“我们这里经常会有外国人……朱家角在外国人眼里就是老上海，所以来得很多。我们觉得这是一个商机，所以在这里用意大利语当店名开了一家店，对于他们来说很亲切”（D6, 某西式餐饮店老板）。
政府、规划者对于空间的集体建构是引导游客形成最终空间想象的必要路径。关于旅游空间的一切制度、政策、营销、宣传，都可以认为是利益相关者对想象空间的表征，代表了主导者的绝对意志。对于政府而言，确立旅游空间的发展方向，整治旅游市场经营氛围，限定建筑景观风格等举措是其主导空间建构的主要方式；对于规划者而言（实际受政府主导），以营销策划手段，将政府的空间构想与游客的空间想象链接，是主客观认知同步的关键。最终，在双重作用下，地方文化改造与社会性重构完成，成为一个“非真实世界”。
5.3 表征的空间：旅游绅士化空间中的活动者感知
5.3.1 活动者对空间表征结果的认同
以政府为主导，以游客为导向的旅游空间改造，使得游客拥有了较好的旅游体验感知，尤其是对休闲体验和文化体验的认同程度较高，说明朱家角古镇旅游空间生产对游客表征空间的正向形成具有塑造作用。“这边的文化氛围比较好，就是江南水乡传统文化嘛”（F1, 游客）。在旅游收益的认同上，古镇居民对旅游发展的结果感知最为明显。古镇旅游公司与居民建立起房屋产权交易关系及商业管理关系，使居民获得了直接的租赁收入。此外，家庭式旅馆与餐饮经营的兴起，使原有的“男主外，女主内”的家庭劳动分工模式开始转变，以妇女为代表的传统弱势群体发挥自身性别优势，在旅游经营活动中发挥更为关键的作用。“这个饭店当时是我和我老公商量一起开的，但是干了一段时间，他就嫌累不想做了，我就只能找我姊妹过来帮忙，收入也还不错”（E3, 古镇居民）。此外，以休闲度假为主要需求的绅士群体在市区与古镇之间不定期往返，试图逃避城市压力，是一种纯粹的以休闲为导向的度假群体。他们的到来，为古镇带来了大量探亲访友型的中高端消费人群，在当地形成基于地缘、业缘的小型亲密生活圈层。这本身就是对朱家角古镇传统文化空间与旅游空间表征结果的认同，并在无形中改变原有的社会关系，主客互动也在这一过程中得以强化。
5.3.2 活动者对空间表征结果的反抗
居民既是旅游绅士化进程的参与主体，同时也是最大的利益相关群体。随着政府、投资商等空间主体的深入，空间控制权由居民转向其他主体。随着旅游发展红利逐渐消退，开始出现空间挤占、直接或间接“失所”、利益分配不均等问题，居民对旅游空间表征结果开始产生反抗。
一方面，随着旅游绅士化的空间生产不断深入，以政府为主的权力主体助推空间重构的同时，居民对空间的控制权被限制，原有的生活空间、公共空间被旅游服务设施等旅游用地挤占。一部分居住在古镇旅游核心区及大淀湖沿岸地区的居民丧失空间使用权，被迫迁移，政府则主要以货币（极短期内采用房屋安置）的形式补偿。然而，偏远的安置区、与高昂房价不匹配的货币补偿、被置换的心理失衡以及日益商业化的“曾经的家园”，导致贫富差距增大，人际关系疏离，主客体矛盾激化，这些都导致了绅士化进程中原住民的直接或间接失所事实。然而，上述资料表明，经历失所体验的居民即使惯习受到影响，仍能重新接纳新的时空观念，形成新的日常生活策略，这是权力博弈中的“无奈”之举。“肯定有不好的地方，我住了几十年的房子，要我们搬走，虽然不愿意，但还是只能听政府的”（E5, 东大门社区居民）。另一方面，由于旅游发展选址问题导致不同居民旅游收益差异，是居民对空间表征结果不满意的主要内容。一部分居民由于紧邻古镇区或主干道两侧，可以通过出租房屋、提供旅游服务获取收益，而其他地区的居民往往无法直接获得收益，甚至需要承担因地区旅游开发而产生的负面效应和社会压力。“不是整个镇旅游发展都好的，就中间那一块比较好，游客多，其他地方都没有游客过去，在那边开个店生意不是很好”（A1, 政府工作者）。“我们在镇区生意还好，我的朋友离得比较远，在老镇政府那边，开了一个小餐馆，没什么生意”（B5, 某工作室老板）。
综上，利益相关群体的博弈是推动区域旅游绅士化空间生产的关键一环：权力主体与投资商相互联结，在企业化政府主义的驱动下，通过引导国有资本对传统村镇进行旅游投资开发，为资本的空间回流、产业回流提供稳定且相对收益的保障；在政府、企业的主导、合作下，社会阶层利用自身的审美休闲诉求与空间改造行为，推动地区物质空间与社会文化空间重构。阶层群体与空间功能的置换是旅游空间转变成为绅士化空间的最为重要的特征，政府主导下的城市面貌更新与消费空间缔造，吸引了房地产商投资高端住宅，促使绅士化群体的大规模入驻，原有居民被迁移至中心镇区外围，呈现出典型的绅士化特征。租差是绅士化现象得以产生的本质，其增长预期蕴含在空间生产的过程中。空间的表征代表制度空间，为租差的跃迁创造了相对稳定投资预期的制度环境；空间的实践代表物质空间，城市基础设施的革新为房地产商投资提供了适宜的土壤，也为租差的扩大创造了物质基础；表征的空间代表社会空间，外来绅士者对“被设计”的空间产生认同，出于对空间想象的追求，成为租差跃迁后的承担者，是整个过程的最后环节。最终，一个由政府主导、资本助推、绅士者认同的绅士化空间形成。
6 朱家角古镇旅游绅士化空间生产的驱动机制
图5
图5
朱家角古镇旅游绅士化驱动机制
Fig. 5
Driving mechanism of tourism gentrification in Zhujiajiao Ancient Town
6.1 权力因素
中国的旅游绅士化现象就本质而言是资本将土地与空间作为生产资料的非均衡流动，受到权力和制度层面深刻影响。中央政府的制度设计、市区政府的政策支撑、基层政府的规划执行三位一体有机衔接，政府对土地价值的积极审视，为资本的进一步注入提供了较为稳定的投资收益预期。自改革开放以来，中央与地方的集权与分权博弈始终影响着社会经济发展。就中央政府而言，1994年分税制改革后，土地制度成为中央与地方权力制度设计方面的重要内容[60]。同时，针对国内服务业发展滞后导致经济增速放缓以及中西部发展不平衡问题，东部发达地区逐步向中西部推进“工业化转移”[61]，为长三角地区大城市留足了可供旅游业发展的建设用地，为旅游绅士化现象的出现奠定基础。市区层面，地方政府掌握土地产权并拥有土地收益，决定土地利用方式，并通过地方发展政策与规划确立以促进旅游为目的的城市更新计划，为旅游绅士化现象的产生提供了制度支撑。基层政府层面，基层政府作为地方旅游空间生产的直接利益相关者，在多级政府的约束下，通过规划对有限的土地空间进行表征，并进行土地征收转让，实现了土地价值的再利用，旅游绅士化的积极影响显现。
20世纪80年代以来，在经济全球化的影响下，传统工商业中心衰落，国家推出经济发展计划，旅游业成为地区经济发展的新方向，地方特色成为发展的潜在优势与附加价值。在这一背景下，众多地方传统村镇依托政府与企业集团开始旅游化改造。朱家角古镇是传统村镇旅游开发浪潮的缩影，受到权力制度的深刻影响：土地产权归属国家，权力介入更加直接，空间重构更为彻底。镇政府推动古镇的绅士化重建，对原有土地权益进行重新分配，回收居住用地的出让金收益和商业用地的税收贡献，实现有效的空间再利用。同时，依托全方位的旅游形象建构与地方历史文化内涵，充分吸收发达地区的产业发展路径，推动旅游高质量发展与产业转型，实现旅游绅士化的综合效益。
6.2 资本因素
资本作为空间营造的重要推动力，通过实践过程促进自我增值，从而推动物质空间生产与消费空间缔造[62]。同时，为克服空间摩擦、制度摩擦、文化摩擦，资本往往通过与权力相联结的方式来实现空间的占有与扩张。从“租差”理论视角，旅游绅士化现象的产生取决于资本化地租与潜在地租之间的差额。资本化地租伴随土地之上固定资产的建成与折旧逐渐降低，而潜在地租则由于城市建成环境的改善逐渐升高。二者之间的差值被称为“租差差距”[8]。当资本化地租逐渐高于潜在地租，即投资商足以在支付开发成本后仍可以获取客观的利润，旅游绅士化进程启动。土地作为企业型政府最大的垄断资产，在政府政策环境的持续加持下，由一级土地市场改变其所有权性质和用地性质（包括农业用地转变为城市建设用地），带给政府巨大的“土地溢价”[48]，也给予投资商对未来土地价值的重新审视。最终，在维持房地产投资较高回报率的情况下，资本化地租逐渐超过潜在地租，形成“剪刀差”。在中国政策极大地影响了资本的流入流出，而资本较早流入长三角地区，率先实现了投入一般生产资料和生活消费资料的第一层循环，并因其固定性的特征向大城市郊区未完全开发地带扩散，以实现改善生产和消费环境的二级循环。
朱家角古镇的地租变化过程（图6）始终伴随着上海城市发展路径，符合资本循环流动的本质规律。Harvey在“资本循环”理论中提出“三级回路”以阐述资本流向的关键作用，即流向一般商品的生产和消费为一级回路，流向建成区环境为二级回路，流向教育、科技等领域为三级回路[63]。与西方不同，中国的资本循环是市场经济快速发展、三级回路相互叠加的过程[64]。对于朱家角古镇而言，早期的城市更新计划与近年来的文化产业转型，均是这一过程的外在表现。在此过程中，基于权力主导、阶层认同的“被设计的空间”产生，为资本进一步流向房地产市场，继而为租差产生、增长创造了条件。1991年以前，由于城市建成环境与地上建筑的迅速贬值，朱家角古镇的地租水平处于最低点；在旅游绅士化初级阶段，资本由中心城区快速流入到以古镇为典型的具有优势发展禀赋的郊区地带。在这一背景下，以促进旅游开发为主导的城市更新计划使得古镇的人居环境与基础设施条件得到改善，资本化地租水平迅速提升；2004年以后，资本投资模式由城市环境更新逐步转向更高利润的旅游地产开发。朱家角古镇凭借较好的休闲度假资源优势，资本化地租水平超越潜在地租，形成较大的“租差差距”，为城市中产阶层流入创造了条件，推动了旅游绅士化空间的形成与发展。
图6
6.3 社会因素
绅士化与城市中产阶层的涌现密切相关，新兴中产阶层的物质、精神、文化需求为旅游地消费空间转型提供了明确的导向。虽然中产阶层不直接参与旅游地的空间建构，但仍然是旅游空间生产的重要主体之一。自改革开放以来，中国经济的迅速腾飞，城市化高速发展，国民物质财富快速积累，在大城市尤其是东部地区的三大城市群，产生了人数众多的中产阶层。根据国家统计局数据，中等收入群体规模约为4亿人，占比接近30%[65]。快速城市化在产生人口集聚效应的同时，也带来了身份异化与文化焦虑问题，越来越多的城市中产阶层通过旅游的方式获取身份与文化认同。中产阶层的文化取向、消费取向、生活方式更加多元，拥有丰富的空间诉求。这些中产阶层将目光投向大城市郊区的村镇地区，这些地区既有相对于乡村便利的交通和现代化设施，又能够满足中产阶层对于乡村物质、精神、文化空间的需求。
对于朱家角古镇而言，基于多群体构建、包装、营销的消费空间与上海市新兴中产阶层的空间想象不谋而合。2021年上海市城镇居民人均可支配收入为82429元，居全国之首。强大的消费需求与便捷的交通条件，为古镇的旅游发展与转型提供了客观基础，带来了强而又持续的消费市场，使得朱家角古镇的旅游绅士化在消费方式与社会效益上均表现出更明显的稳定性。旅游者与艺术家、社会精英在朱家角古镇寻求空间想象与审美需求的同时，基本完成了原住民的空间置换，并实现了中心镇区的生产方式优化，形成了朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的生产—消费共生关系。
7 结论与讨论
7.1 结论
本文以上海市郊区的典型传统村镇朱家角古镇为案例地，描述了其旅游绅士化的发展阶段与表现特征，并基于空间生产理论对其空间生产进程进行分析，构建了朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的“权力—资本—社会”的影响因素与驱动机制。
① 朱家角古镇的旅游绅士化具有鲜明的时空阶段性和要素综合性特征。经历了旅游绅士化萌芽阶段、旅游绅士化初级阶段和旅游绅士化发展阶段，在人口数量、房屋价格、物质景观和社会文化氛围等方面均发生了显著变化，由传统农业社区成功转型成为高端化和专属化的旅游绅士化社区。② 朱家角古镇旅游绅士化空间的形成是政府自上而下的主导以及各方利益主体共同作用的结果。从空间的实践、空间的表征、表征的空间3个方面解读旅游绅士化的空间生产过程。政府在这一过程中起主导作用，规划者将构想描绘成可行方案，投资方将构想付诸现实；同时，居民与外来商户、绅士化群体对整体与内部生活空间进行不同程度的旅游化实践，实现古镇传统生产空间、居住空间向消费空间、旅游空间演变。③ 权力主导、资本驱动和社会助推是朱家角古镇旅游绅士化的核心机制。作为中国政治、经济和文化一系列发展转向的实践前沿，朱家角古镇的旅游绅士化受到权力、资本和社会的共同作用。权力、资本与社会既相互独立，又相互关联，并对租差产生作用，共同形成了多层次的旅游绅士化作用机制。
7.2 讨论
21世纪以来伴随着旅游业的快速发展，大型旅游开发项目日益增多，引发了旅游绅士化倾向日益明显。大城市郊区传统村镇由于具有的丰富历史文化遗产资源、良好的区位条件和庞大的市场需求等优势，成为旅游绅士化现象发生发展和探索的前沿。在旅游业的驱动下，朱家角古镇经历了显著的绅士化过程，表现出鲜明的政府主导多方协调、投资规模大、发展速度快、定位高、综合效益凸显等特征，为大城市郊区旅游绅士化的理论构建提供了案例支撑，在全国乃至世界范围内均具有特殊性和典型性。目前，中国城镇化正进入深入发展阶段，郊区的城镇化仍是现阶段社会经济发展和人地关系演化的主要议题[66]。在“土地财政”背景下，政府实施以土地价值提升为主要目的、以旅游开发为主要形式的发展计划，使得郊区地带产业结构调整，基础设施更新，继而推动人口流动加速集聚甚至阶层置换，可以说，旅游绅士化是快速城镇化发展的一种重要模式[41]。而在更为广阔的城市群“乡土—生态”空间中，以朱家角古镇为代表的大城市郊区传统村镇作为城乡统筹发展的桥头堡与纽带，具有肩负城市空间变革和维系乡土生态空间的历史使命，是空间整治与优化的“关键地带”[67]。在新型城乡关系发展的新时期，以传统村镇为载体、以旅游开发为驱动的大城市郊区旅游绅士化实践，能够使乡村逐渐摆脱发展困境，克服“老龄化”“空心化”问题，盘活土地价值，赋予乡村新的产业方向，从而实现共同富裕，有利于中国新型城镇化和乡村振兴战略的实施[68-69]。在未来长时间的历史时期里，城市及城市群仍将是中国经济发展变革的核心阵地，而广大的传统村镇则将承担起传承乡土文化、维系生态文明的重任，以旅游绅士化为代表的城乡有机互动，将为中国人地关系发展、要素资源流动、地域空间重组、产业创新优化提供源源不断的动力。
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旅游绅士化: 概念、类型与机制
The characteristics and causes of urban tourism gentrification: A case of study in Nanjing
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Study on self-driving Tours in China and tourism gentrification
我国自驾车旅游与旅游绅士化研究
Formation mechanism and impact analysis of tourism gentrification in cultural heritage destination: A case study of Lijiang ancient city
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Tourism gentrification in urban historic and cultural districts: The case of old south downtown of Nanjing
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The process and mechanism of rural gentrification in metropolitan fringe: A case study of Dali village in Wuhan
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Tourism gentrification in historic district renovation: A case study of Lingnan tiandi, Foshan
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综合采用质性和定量方法，从社会阶层、物质环境和消费方式等层面研究佛山岭南天地的旅游绅士化现象，并分析原住民在绅士化过程中的情感特征。结果发现，物质环境改造加速了地方社会阶层的更替，原住民大多被游客、中产阶级和房产投资者所替代，空间利用方式呈现出高度商业化特征。旅游绅士化虽有力地推动了地方的环境改造和经济发展，却衍生出阶层更替、社会排斥和空间隔离等副产品，使传统的本地化生活空间转变为“资本空间”与“消费空间”。城市历史街区改造不同于一般城市更新，街区更新应以地方性为落脚点，尊重原住民的情感与历史记忆，不应简单通过商业化手段推进历史街区更新。
The characteristics and forming mechanisms of gentrification in cities of western China: The case study in Chengdu city
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[本文引用: 1]
<p>Gentrification is a new phenomenon of urban social geography in 1960s. Recently, the empirical research about gentrification is one of the hot studies in human geography in China. However, it is seldom to find the researches in China’s western cities. Based on the methodology of qualitative research and deep interviews, taking three areas of gentrification in Chengdu as research cases, this paper aims to analyze the characteristics and the driving forces of Chengdu’s gentrification. The authors find that the phenomenon of Chengdu’s gentrification trend to diversification and its formation mechanism become more complicated. The real reasons are caused by the state government polices, the institutional innovation, the industrial restructuring, firms-sponsored and the residents’wishes promotion. These different factors interaction eventually led to the gentrification in Chengdu. First, the phenomenon of gentrification seems to have the diversifying tendency, the waterfront gentrification, the new-build gentrification on the brown field and the tourism gentrification have the phenomenon as the same as the China’s eastern cities, even the western countries’cities; Second, contemporary gentrification has become increasingly complex, because different actors and locations have become involved and the landscapes produced have changed, therefore, the driving forces are gradually complicated. All of these aspects are sponsoring the development of Chengdu’s gentrification, and that means the Chengdu’s gentrification become more and more similar to the western countries’cities.</p>
中国西部城市绅士化现象及其形成机制: 以成都市为例
DOI:10.11820/dlkxjz.2010.12.009
[本文引用: 1]
绅士化是20 世纪60 年代产生的一种城市社会地理现象，对城市绅士化运动的实证研究是近年来我国人文地理学研究的热点之一，但很少以西部城市为案例进行研究。本文以成都为例，利用质性研究法(Qualitative Research)和深度访谈法探讨了西部城市的绅士化现象及其形成的内在机制。研究结果证实：成都市绅士化运动的产生主要是政府政策、制度创新、产业结构调整、开发商推动和居民个人意愿共同交织作用的结果，在绅士化运动的萌芽期、成熟期一直到最后完成一个周期，都是这几个因素共同作用的结果。成都市的绅士化运动除了在形式上表现出多样化外，在形成机制上也表现为复杂化，并且发现成都市的绅士化运动已与西方国家城市绅士化运动在现象和形成机制上具有相似性。
Evolution process and mechanism of rural gentrification based on actor-network theory: A case study of Panyang River Basin of Bama County, Guangxi
DOI:10.11821/dlxb202204007
[本文引用: 1]
Rural gentrification is a new path for rural transformation and revitalization under the background of two-way flow of urban and rural elements. This paper analyzes the evolution process, type and mechanism of rural gentrification based on actor-network theory (ANT) based on a diachronic field survey of rural gentrification in the Panyang River Basin of Bama County, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. The following results were obtained. (1) The evolution of rural gentrification is a dynamic actor-network jointly established by human and non-human actors, "grass-roots" actors and institutional actors. The evolution of rural gentrification has experienced a transition from initial to development stage, which has brought a series of changes. The key actors are replaced from the "amenity immigrants" pioneer and local elites to local governments and investment developers, while the OPP (obligatory passage point) has changed from "developing 'migratory bird' tourism and building a longevity village" to "developing comprehensive health industry and building a global longevity town". The path succession of rural gentrification changes from "grass-roots" gentrification to institutional gentrification with the replacement of key actors from "amenity immigrants" pioneers, and the rural gentrified industry has changed from receiving amenity migrants and developing tourism to the integrated development of comprehensive health industry. The gentrification type has evolved from "amenity immigration oriented" to "tourism oriented" and "real estate oriented", and finally formed a mixed rural gentrification pattern of "multiple types in one place". (2) Factors such as the replacement of key actors along with their roles and functions, the path succession of rural gentrification, the replacement and integrated development of leading industry, China's macro rural development system, as well as the regional natural and cultural environment, which jointly affect the stage succession and type symbiosis of rural gentrification. The replacement of key actors along with their roles and functions transformation dominates the stage succession of rural gentrification, while the path succession of rural gentrification as well as the replacement and integrated development of leading industry, which jointly promotes the evolution type of rural gentrification, is the general mechanism of rural gentrification evolution. At present, China's rural macro development strategy (Beautiful Countryside Construction, Targeted Poverty Alleviation and Rural Revitalization) and basic institutional arrangements (rural land collective ownership, homestead system, and regional development dominated by the local government) as well as the regional natural and cultural environment (unique healthy geographical environment, and "migratory immigrants" healthy geographical dependence, combined with the actors' power balance under the comprehensive action comprised by "Bama complex", the Zhuang clan power and the rural nostalgia) shapes the symbiotic characteristics of evolution type, which is the regional mechanism of rural gentrification evolution. (3) Actor-network theory (ANT) is a conducive method to show the stage succession context and symbiotic characteristics of evolution type, and reveal the general mechanism and regional mechanism of rural gentrification evolution.
基于行动者网络理论的乡村绅士化演化过程与机制解析: 以广西巴马盘阳河流域为例
DOI:10.11821/dlxb202204007
[本文引用: 1]
乡村绅士化是城乡要素双向流动背景下乡村转型与振兴的新型路径。基于对广西巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化现象的历时性田野调查,采用行动者网络理论解析乡村绅士化演化的过程、类型与机制。研究表明：在巴马盘阳河流域乡村人类行动者与非人类行动者、“草根”行动者与机构行动者共同缔结的行动者网络的转换过程中,伴随关键行动者从“候鸟人”先锋、屯社精英向地方政府、投资开发商的更替,乡村绅士化路径从“草根”绅士化向机构绅士化演替,乡村产业从接待“候鸟人”、发展旅游转向大健康产业融合发展,乡村绅士化类型从单一的舒适移民绅士化向舒适移民、旅游和地产共构的“一地多类”绅士化演化。关键行动者更替及其功能角色转换、绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替与融合发展、宏观乡村发展制度与地域自然人文环境共同作用于乡村绅士化的阶段演替与类型共生。行动者网络理论与方法利于呈现乡村绅士化的阶段演替脉络与共生演化特征,并揭示乡村绅士演化的一般机制与地域机制。
Dynamic representation and formation mechanism of rural gentrification in the context of tourism development: A case study of Shangliang Village, Huizhou, Guangdong
旅游发展背景下乡村绅士化的动态表征与形成机制: 以广东惠州上良村为例
Tourism-driven rural gentrification: Cases study of two villages in Danxia mount
旅游驱动型乡村绅士化过程与机制研究: 以丹霞山两村为例
The rural gentrification and its impacts in traditional Villages: A case study of xixinan village, in China
Since the reform and opening up in 1978, China has experienced a rapid urbanization process, with an increasing urban population. In recent years, with the improvement of the rural living environment and the rise of the urban middle class, more and more people have moved from cities to villages in China. The gentrification phenomenon has also emerged in rural China. This paper takes Xixinan Village, a traditional village in China, as a case. On the basis of field investigation, it employs qualitative research methods and grounded theory to explore the emergence and influence of rural gentrification in the traditional village. The finding show that: (1) the rural gentrification in Xixinan Village was divided into two stages, namely, the setting-in stage of immigrants (2009–2014) and the rural gentrification development stage (2015–present). (2) The impacts of rural gentrification in Xixinan Village primarily include four aspects: population growth, landscape change, economic transformation and cultural transformation. The increased population mainly includes the urban lifestyle type of gentrifiers, new rural construction type of gentrifiers and returning home entrepreneurial type of gentrifiers. The landscape change is mainly manifested in the spatial form of villages, housing landscape, street landscape and other aspects. The economic transformation is manifested in the rapid development of rural tourism services and cultural industry in Xixinan. In addition, with the influx of the new urban middle class, new aesthetic methods and cultural vitality have emerged in Xixinan Village. (3) The rural gentrification and its impacts in Xixinan Village can be interpreted from three perspectives, i.e., consumption orientation, production orientation and the unique role of the government. Furthermore, the limitations of the study are briefly analyzed, and the “displacement” problem caused by rural gentrification in China needs follow-up research in the future.
Study on the mechanism of rural gentrification based on capital to the countryside: A case study of lebainian town in qiuhu village, Nantong city
基于资本下乡的乡村绅士化机制研: 以南通市仇湖村乐百年小镇为例
Process, characteristics and comments of gentrification in China: A case study of Nanjing
中国中产阶层化过程、特征与评价: 以南京为例
Traditional community space change under the influence of tourism: A reflective study based on space production theory
旅游影响下传统社区空间变迁的理论探讨: 基于空间生产理论的反思
Rent gap, gentrification and urban redevelopment: The reproduction of urban space driven by capital and right
租差、绅士化与再开发: 资本与权利驱动下的城市空间再生产
Rent gap and gentrification in the inner city of Nanjing
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201712001
[本文引用: 9]
Gentrification is a frontier field of urban residential differentiation, while the rent gap is a core concept to interpret the phenomenon of gentrification. Through reference, analysis and correction to the rent gap model proposed by Smith, this paper puts forward a classical rent gap theory model different from the Western premises of complete marketization and private ownership of land. In China, rent gap consists of two parts, i.e. "actual rent gap" generated by the public ownership of land and the housing depreciation, and "rent jump" generated by the continuous rapid appreciation of real estate. Both are generated under the background of the political and economic system transition, including the decentralization of the central government, the enterprisation of local government, the marketization of land and housing. Based on this, the paper takes the inner city of Nanjing and "Liji Lane Plot", a typical gentrification area, as an example, and makes use of data such as the housing demolition and compensation, changes in the modes of land transfer and land use, housing price change and other data, in order to analyze and validate the gentrification phenomenon of inner city of Nanjing and the driving effects of the rent gap by describing rent gap practices, environmental improvements and gentrification replacement processes in the demolition and reconstruction of urban areas. The empirical study indicates that: (1) driven by the rent gap interest and dominated by the urban growth coalition, over 150 plots in the inner city of Nanjing have realized high-end reconfiguration in terms of built environment and social class structure by "demolishing the old and building the new"; (2) in the principle of the maximum rent gap, some areas have become hot spots of gentrification, including the areas of Confucius Temple in the south of the city, Xiaguan in the north of the city, Xinjiekou in the central city, and areas along main roads and on both sides of the Qinhuai River, due to sufficient profit margin between land redevelopment cost and expected return; (3) in the screening mechanism of the price of reconstructed commodity housing, over 18,700 needy families unable to move back have been passively moved from the inner city to the urban fringe, and the renewed location in the inner city are occupied by the emerging middle class. When we affirm the gentrification as a means of deep urbanization and a strategy for reproduction of space, gentrification should also be criticized for its damage to the traditional culture of the city and multiple deprivation of the original needy residents in the redistribution of rent gap income.
基于“租差”理论的城市居住空间中产阶层化研究: 以南京内城为例
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201712001
[本文引用: 9]
中产阶层化是城市居住空间分异研究的前沿领域,而“租差”是解读中产阶层化现象的核心概念。通过对Smith“租差”模型的借鉴与修正,提出中国政治经济制度转轨背景下,“租差”是由土地公有和房屋贬值产生的“实际租差”和房地产持续快速增值产生的“预期租差”两部分组成。在此基础上,以南京内城和典型中产阶层化区域为例,利用2001-2011年间房屋拆迁及补偿、土地出让与利用方式转变、住宅价格变动等数据,通过刻画城市更新运动中“租差”扩大与资本化实现、物质空间环境改善、邻里社会结构跃升和阶层置换过程,分析南京内城中产阶层化现象和“租差”的核心驱动作用。最后在揭示中产阶层化作为深度城市化手段和空间再生产策略的同时,批评其对城市传统文化的“创造性破坏”,以及“租差”收益再分配中对被拆迁贫困群体的多重剥夺问题。
Commercial gentrification in the inner city of Nanjing, China
DOI:10.11821/dlxb202002015
[本文引用: 3]
Commercial gentrification has been a research frontier of gentrification. It refers to the phenomenon that the traditional business, residence or industry is replaced by business with higher value in the city. Its connotation includes: (1) renovation and renewal of commercial environment and material landscapes; (2) realization of the rent gap of commercial space; (3) the upgrading and succession of business and consumption culture; (4) advanced replacement of business and consumer groups. The social spatial characteristics of commercial gentrification show differences in different countries and regions, for different stages, modes and regulatory environments of urban development. Under the influence of economic globalization and western-style consumer culture, traditional residence or community business was replaced by restaurants with exotic customs, bars, cafes, gyms, and other high-end consumer places, which mainly meet the growing needs of the middle-class consumer groups. They gathered in the specific space of the city since the end of the 20th century. This is the typical commercial gentrification in China, which is a business upgrading and replacement process that meets higher consumer demand. Commercial gentrification in China has a more intense process, as well as a wider range of impact, than that in European and American countries. The paper conducts a kernel density analysis of the six high-end entertainment establishments in the inner city of Nanjing in 2008 and 2018. The result shows that: (1) the "hot spots" of commercial gentrification first appear in the traditional commercial centers and historic conservation areas, and then spread to the periphery of commercial centers and new commercial areas; (2) according to the difference of practice path, commercial gentrification in inner Nanjing can be divided into three modes of holistic implantation, invasive succession, and transformation and upgrading, which are respectively represented by 1912 blocks, NJU-NNU area and Xinjiekou area. Both economic and cultural forces play an important role in promoting the evolution of the three modes of commercial gentrification. The process of commercial gentrification is driven by both the supply side and the demand side, including the facts that local government and capital join hands to pursue commercial rent gap, as well as that young and high-income gentrification groups have a growing demand for fashion and high-end consumption. Commercial gentrification has promoted the business vitality and economic benefits of the city. Also, it has affected the authenticity of the historical blocks, the inclusiveness of the commercial space and the fairness of the space production to a certain extent, for its exclusion and displacement produce effects on the residents, and the low-end business and consumer groups. Commercial gentrification involves cultural identity, quality of life, consumption experience and status symbol, meaning that it has more complicated social spatial connotation than residential gentrification. Consequently, it is urgent to conduct a more systematic study on the phenomenon of commercial gentrification in China.
南京内城商业绅士化发育特征研究
DOI:10.11821/dlxb202002015
[本文引用: 3]
商业绅士化是指城市中传统商业、居住或工业被更高价值商业取代和置换的现象,与居住绅士化互为因果。由于城市发展阶段、模式和管制环境不同,不同国家和地区商业绅士化社会空间特征表现出显著差异。20世纪末以来,在城市社会空间转型语境下,具有异域风情的餐厅、酒吧、咖啡馆、健身房等高档消费场所置换传统住宅或社区商业并在城市特定空间中集聚,是中国最典型的商业绅士化现象。遴选出符合商业绅士化特征的六类高端商娱场所,采用空间核密度等方法,对2008年和2018年南京内城上述商娱场所空间集聚、演进模式和机理效应进行分析。研究发现：① 商业绅士化“热点区”首先出现在城市传统商业中心和文化历史街区,随后向商业中心周边和新兴商业地段跳跃式扩散;② 根据实践路径差异,可将南京内城商业绅士化分为整体植入式、侵入演替式和转型升级式三种模式,分别以1912街区、南京大学—南京师范大学（南大—南师大）片区和新街口地区为代表;③ 经济和文化力量在推动商业绅士化的发生演化中均发挥重要作用,其中地方政府、资本联手对“商业租差”的追逐,以及年轻、高收入绅士化群体日益增长的时尚、高端文化消费需求,从供需两端驱动着商业绅士化过程;④ 商业绅士化在提升城市商业活力和经济效益的同时,也在一定程度上产生对原住居民和低端商业的排挤和置换效应。
Production and analysis of space: A new perspective of tourism space research and practice
空间的生产与分析: 旅游空间实践和研究的新视角
Quantitative tools and applications of time stages division in human geography research
人文地理研究中时间阶段划分的量化工具与应用
Spatial-temporal evolution of rural gentrification amidst rapid urbanization: A case study of Xiaozhou village, Guangzhou
DOI:10.11821/xb201208004
[本文引用: 1]
Rural gentrification refers to a process in which urban dwellers migrate to rural areas, in a pursuit of consuming the unique cultural ambience and a proximity to nature, with a certain degree of economic capital. It can be explained as the cause of multiple processes in the restructuring of local demographic structure and landscape changing. With special reference to the process of rural gentrification in Xiaozhou Village, Guangzhou, this paper explores the temporal-spatial characteristics of this process, as well as its evolvement alongside the changes in local socio-economic conditions. This paper reveals that there are two main processes in Xiaozhou's socio-spatial transformation, namely gentrification led by avant-garde artists and studentification led by incoming students. Owing to their different spatial demands, rental affordability, and magnitude, these two gentrification processes bring about different physical, cultural, social and economic influences to the local community. Yet, these two processes are tightly connected, and their socio-spatial evolvement experiences different stages of continuation, overlay, and displacement. While the avant-garde artists highlight the aesthetic values of the old architecture in the village, partially as a way to consume the symbolic meanings of rural space and rural landscape, the process of studentification places much more emphasis upon the use of newly built residential spaces and the development of housing spaces. In general, rural gentrification mitigates the economic predicament faced by Xiaozhou Village in a post-productivist era, and does not result in the displacement of indigenous villagers. However, the avant-garde artists are now facing displacement caused by rising housing costs due to the inflow of students. It is worth noting that, indigenous villagers are not the victims of rural gentrification, but become the promoters for the gentrification process through actively engaging in rent-seeking activities. This research also shows that, the differences of rural gentrification between China and Western countries mainly lie in four aspects, namely economic and physical impacts, the relationship between gentrification and urbanization, residential displacement, and driving forces of gentrification. These incongruences result from different socioeconomic background and dynamics of rural gentrification, as well as different land ownership and policies. Overall, this research is of theoretical and realistic significance in terms of examining the characteristics and dynamics of China's rural gentrification, and the unique development trajectory of China's rural community in an era of market transition.
快速城市化背景下乡村绅士化的时空演变特征
DOI:10.11821/xb201208004
[本文引用: 1]
乡村绅士化是指移民从城市迁入乡村地区, 通过对一定的经济资本的利用, 来达到对乡村的自然环境与独特的生活方式及文化氛围的体验与消费的过程。乡村绅士化过程造成了乡村地区人口结构的重构以及物质景观的变迁。本文选取广州小洲村作为研究案例, 对乡村绅士化的时空特征及其演变过程进行了深入分析。研究发现, 小洲村乡村绅士化过程分为艺术先锋绅士化及学生化两个阶段。由于空间需求、付租能力、群体数量等方面的差异, 两类绅士化过程对当地的物质环境、文化、社会、经济等方面产生了不同的影响。但两者的发展紧密相连, 在时间和空间上经历了延续、重叠、更替等阶段。乡村绅士化的过程, 在一定程度上缓解了乡村社区经济发展的困境, 也没有造成对本地居民的置换。但是随着社区住房成本的上涨, 先期迁入的艺术家群体正在被付租能力更强的学生群体逐渐替换。值得注意的是, 本地村民通过积极的寻租行为成为乡村绅士化的重要推动者, 而非被置换者。研究发现, 乡村绅士化现象的中西方差异主要体现在4 个方面:经济和物质层面的影响、与城市化的关系、人口置换的后果、绅士化的推动者。这些差异主要与乡村绅士化发展的社会经济背景、机制和特殊的土地政策等密切相关。这一研究对于探讨转型期中国乡村绅士化现象的特征与机制以及乡村社区发展的模式具有重要的理论与现实意义。
Rural gentrification in the North Aegean countryside (Turkey)
The 'creative township' in the post-apartheid: Globalisation, nation building or gentrification
DOI:10.1080/10286632.2020.1811247 URL [本文引用: 1]
Tourism space production and form transformation in community-based cultural heritage sites: Based on the investigation of Huishan ancient town in Jiangsu Province
社区型文化遗产地的旅游空间生产与形态转向: 基于惠山古镇案例的分析
The production of space within the field of tourism: A case study of the tourism community of Chaozhou ancient city
旅游场域中古城旅游社区的空间生产研究: 基于列斐伏尔的空间生产理论视角
Gentrification as global habitat: A process of class formation or corporate creation
DOI:10.1111/tran.2007.32.issue-4 URL [本文引用: 1]
Land system, financing mode and industrialization with Chinese characteristics
土地制度、融资模式与中国特色工业化
Analysis on the mystery between China's de-industrialization and U.S. Re-industrialization: Based on the interactive externality between
中国“去工业化”与美国“再工业化”冲突之谜解析: 来自服务业与制造业交互外部性的分析
The political economic origin of marx's space thought and its contemporary enlightenment
马克思空间思想的政治经济学发现及其当代意义
The urban process under capitalism: A framework for analysis
DOI:10.1111/ijur.1978.2.issue-1-3 URL [本文引用: 1]
Urban spatial restructuring, event-led development and scalar politics
DOI:10.1177/0042098013515031
URL
[本文引用: 1]
This paper uses Guangzhou’s experience of hosting the 2010 Asian Games to illustrate Guangzhou’s engagement with scalar politics. This includes concurrent processes of intra-regional restructuring to position Guangzhou as a central city in south China and a ‘negotiated scale-jump’ to connect with the world under conditions negotiated in part with the overarching strong central state, testing the limit of Guangzhou’s geopolitical expansion. Guangzhou’s attempts were aided further by using the Asian Games as a vehicle for addressing condensed urban spatial restructuring to enhance its own production/accumulation capacities, and for facilitating urban redevelopment projects to achieve a ‘global’ appearance and exploit the city’s real estate development potential. Guangzhou’s experience of hosting the Games provides important lessons for expanding our understanding of how regional cities may pursue their development goals under the strong central state and how event-led development contributes to this.
Analysis on the growth characteristics, influencing factors and countermeasures of middle-income groups in urban and rural areas
中等收入群体成长特征、影响因素及对策的城乡差异分析
On the "development mode" of Chinese urbanization
中国城镇化“推进模式”研究
Theoretical framework and research prospect of "ruralismecology" space of urban agglomeration constructed by tourism
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201906014
[本文引用: 1]
"Ruralism-ecology" space of urban agglomeration (RESUA) is an important part of land space and an organic part of urban agglomeration space. It is also a strategic space for urban agglomeration to optimize the spatial structure of urban and rural areas, maintain traditional human activities, inherit regional history and culture and maintain a healthy ecosystem. It is of great significance to focus on the process, pattern and mechanism of RESUA constructed by tourism so as to meet the national strategic needs and the disciplinary construction of tourism geography. This paper systematically sorts out the relevant literatures on urban agglomeration space, tourism development impact and essential attribute of RESUA. We find that there are some deficiencies in existing research. First, the existing research focuses less attention on the marginal zone in and around urban agglomeration. Therefore, it is necessary to explore and define the new functional geographical space. Second, the existing research focuses less attention on the fact that tourism significantly affects China's economic and social space as well. Thus, it is requisite to reinforce the typical spatiality study of China's modern economic system construction, ecological civilization construction and excellent traditional cultural inheritance and innovation promoted by tourism. Third, the existing research focuses less attention on the utilization method of RESUA. So it is essential to enhance research on urban-rural space utilization and urban-rural relationship evolution. This paper suggests that tourism, as a new industrial path and new utilization method, scientifically guides the implementation of the main function-oriented zoning, and promotes the transformation and upgrading of RESUA. Therefore, exerting the influence of tourism in the spatial structure optimization of urban agglomeration and the sustainable development of urban agglomeration is a major measure to explore the path with Chinese characteristics of national land renovation and space optimization. On the basis of establishing the "three-stage" theory hypothesis of RESUA constructed by tourism, the future research can be conducted in the following aspects. First, it is required for researchers to follow the research route of "process-pattern-mechanism-effect" and explore the practical path of RESUA constructed by tourism. Second, researchers should propose a technological path to study the policy security system of RESUA constructed by tourism. Third, the general characteristics and laws of RESUA constructed by tourism should be explored in different scales.
旅游建构城市群“乡土—生态”空间的理论框架及研究展望
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201906014
[本文引用: 1]
城市群“乡土—生态”空间是国土空间的重要组成部分和城市群空间的有机组成部分,是城市群优化城乡空间结构、维持传统人文活动、传承地域历史文化、维系生态系统健康的战略空间。关注旅游建构城市群“乡土—生态”空间的过程、格局和机制对满足国家战略需求和旅游地理学科建设具有重要意义。系统梳理城市群空间、旅游发展影响、城市群“乡土—生态”空间基本属性等研究领域的相关成果,发现已有研究对城市群内部及周边的边缘地带关注不足,有待进一步探索和诠释新的功能地域空间;对旅游显著影响中国经济社会空间的事实关注不够,有待进一步强化旅游助推中国现代化经济体系建设、生态文明建设、优秀传统文化传承创新的典型“空间性”研究;对城市群“乡土—生态”空间的利用方式关注较少,有待进一步开展城乡空间利用和城乡关系演变研究。研究认为,以旅游作为新的产业路径、新的利用方式科学引导主体功能区规划落地,推动城市群“乡土—生态”空间转型升级,发挥旅游在城市群空间结构优化和城市群可持续发展过程中的作用是探索国土整治与国土空间优化中国特色道路的重要举措。在构建旅游建构城市群“乡土—生态”空间的“三阶段”理论假说的基础上,指出未来应该重点开展的研究内容：遵循“过程—格局—机制—效应”的研究路线,探讨旅游建构城市群“乡土—生态”空间的实践路径,提出旅游建构城市群“乡土—生态”空间的政策保障体系研究的技术路径,探索旅游建构城市群“乡土—生态”空间在不同尺度空间上的一般特征和规律。
Tourism-driven urbanization in ancient rural areas: A case study of the Hongcun Village
DOI:10.13284/j.cnki.rddl.002944
[本文引用: 1]
Development of tourism has already become an effective way to the protection and usage of the ancient village heritages. It has brought significant changes to the land use, employment patterns and the industrial structure in traditional rural areas. And the development of tourism has also become an important driving force to the urbanization of those areas. This paper takes Hongcun, one of the World Cultural Heritages, as an example, to research the urbanization process of the ancient villages under the tourism drive in terms of the land, industry and population, etc. The research is done on the basis of the field survey by the whole team. Several methods such as GIS and in-depth interviews are used. The purpose of the paper is to provide reference for China village urbanization, traditional rural cultural heritage protection and sustainable development of tourism. The results indicate: 1) The land urbanization process of Hongcun mainly occurs in peripheral areas around the scenic spot, as Hongcun is a world cultural heritage and the national key culture relic protection site, where all kinds of construction and development activities are strictly prohibited. Hongcun tourism triggered by the process of urbanization occurred mainly in the villages around Hongcun proper. And the land urbanization is mainly manifested on the structure and the type of the land use. Before applying for world cultural heritage, the land exploitation of Hongcun mainly focused on a small scale development in the scenic area, while after that the development direction has transferred to Jicun where there has a river opposite to Hongcun, and the land has been exploited at a faster speed and larger scale. 2) Driven by the development of tourism for more than 30 years, Hongcun’s industrial structure has been continuously adjusted. The tertiary industry has been continuously increasing, and now the proportion of the three industries is 68：21：11, in the order of tertiary industry-secondary industry-primary industry. At the same time, with the rapid development of small tourism businesses, the international luxury resort brands of businesses have begun to enter the market. All those will give tremendous impact on Hongcun tourism and economic development. 3) The agglomeration trend of Hongcun population is more obvious, mainly because of the returning of local residents by the tourism interests attraction and the inflow of external investors and labor force. And the employment structure of local residents has transformed to non-agriculturization direction, the local residents’ life way is gradually modernized, and the social behavior as well as the ideology has trended to urbanization. Finally, in this paper some factors which affect the tourism urbanization of Hongcun are briefly discussed.
旅游驱动下的传统村落城镇化研究: 以世界文化遗产宏村为例
DOI:10.13284/j.cnki.rddl.002944
[本文引用: 1]
旅游开发已成为传统村落遗产保护和利用的有效途径，使得传统村落地域土地利用、就业方式、产业结构发生了重要变化，旅游发展成为传统村落城镇化的重要驱动力。文章以世界文化遗产地宏村为例，在实地调研的基础上，从土地、产业、人口等方面探讨了旅游驱动下地域城镇化的过程。结果表明：1）宏村的土地城镇化过程主要发生在景区外围，表现在土地利用结构和土地利用类型的转变2个方面，申遗前宏村的土地开发主要集中在景区内小规模的扩展，申遗后发展方向转移到与宏村隔河相对的际村，土地开发速度快且规模较大。2）经过近30年的旅游发展，宏村的产业结构发生深刻变化，逐渐以第三产业为主，2012年第三、二、一产业结构为68∶21∶11；同时旅游小企业快速发展，国际奢华度假品牌企业开始进入。3）宏村人口地域集中化趋势较为明显，主要是在旅游利益吸引下本地居民的返回以及外来投资者和劳工人口的流入，当地居民就业结构向非农化（旅游接待业）方向转变，生活方式日益现代化，社会行为方式及居民思想观念等方面日趋城市化。最后，简要讨论了影响宏村旅游城镇化的因素。
Restructuring and optimizing production-living-ecology space in rural settlements: A case study of Gougezhuang village at Yesanpo tourism attraction in Hebei province
旅游乡村聚落“生产—生活—生态”空间重构与优化: 河北野三坡旅游区苟各庄村的案例实证
The bargain and negotiation of rural space justice under the background of tourism development: The case study of Shiwu newly village, Guangzhou, Guangdong
DOI:10.13249/j.cnki.sgs.2022.05.014
[本文引用: 1]
With the implementation of the rural revitalization strategy, ‘utopian’ rural villages are gradually being engulfed by power and capital. How to ensure the fairness and justice of different subjects in all aspects is particularly important. This article takes Shiwu Newly Village in Guangzhou as a case site, acquires materials through in-depth interviews, participatory observations and collection of text materials, uses grounded theory to conduct coding analysis, and explores the dimensions and processes of the game and negotiation of the main body of rural space justice in the context of tourism development. The research found that: 1) The content of the main game and negotiation of rural space justice mainly includes the four dimensions of distribution justice, housing justice, border justice and faith justice. The core and focus of the four dimensions is power justice. 2) The four dimensions are intertwined and influence each other. The first two dimensions echo some of Marx’s ideas on space justice, and the latter two dimensions are the oretical innovations in the Chinese context. 3) In the process of rural transformation and development, the various demands of the government, enterprises, and villagers have been mixed, which has led to the performance of diverse, complex and dynamic spatial justice games and negotiation processes by different subjects. This research is conducive to constructing a theory of spatial justice that conforms to the Chinese context and explaining Chinese phenomena; In practice, it provides a reference governance paradigm for the settlement of tourism-driven rural spatial justice.
旅游发展背景下乡村空间正义的主体博弈与协商: 广州石屋新村案例
DOI:10.13249/j.cnki.sgs.2022.05.014
[本文引用: 1]
以广州石屋新村为案例地，通过深入访谈、参与式观察以及收集文本材料等方式获取素材，运用扎根理论进行编码分析，探讨旅游发展背景下乡村空间正义主体博弈与协商的维度与过程。研究发现：① 乡村空间正义主体博弈与协商的内容主要包括分配正义、居住正义、边界正义和信仰正义4个维度，贯穿4个维度的核心和焦点是权力正义。② 4个维度彼此交织，相互影响，前2个维度呼应了马克思空间正义思想的部分观点，后2个维度是中国语境下的理论创新。③ 乡村转型发展过程中杂糅了政府、企业、村民各自的诉求，导致不同主体展演了多元复杂动态的空间正义博弈与协商过程。
Producing an ideal village: Imagined rurality, tourism and rural gentrification in China
