Establishing a scientific and reasonable spatial pattern of urbanization, which has a significant meaning in improving the quality of urbanization and promoting the healthy development of urbanization, is the inherent requirement to advance a new type of urbanization. Based on statistical data and geographic information technology, the paper profoundly reveals the situation on spatial agglomeration during the urbanization process in China as well as the corresponding prominent contradiction, comprehensively examines the mechanism of the spatial agglomeration from the theoretical aspect, and briefly discusses the policy and suggestion of optimizing the spatial layout of urbanization. This paper argues that the spatial agglomeration during the urbanization process in China has been significant since the economic reforms and opening up policy initiated in 1978. Population, resources, elements and industries agglomerated in the eastern coastal area in large scale, forming several city clusters and densely inhabited regions. The spatial agglomeration of various elements was found to be related to many factors. To be specific, the regional difference in the natural background conditions and resources endowment is the fundamental condition while the east-oriented national development strategy and the agglomeration effect of the resource elements are the external conditions. However, the underlying impetus is increasingly widening development gap between regions. It should be noted that there is a certain historical inevitability for the agglomeration of population and industry in the eastern region. However, the scale and speed of the spatial agglomeration in relation to population and industry failed to be consistent, which result in two unharmonious problems—the mismatch of the spatial distribution of population and industry as well as the mismatch of the spatial distribution of population, industry, resources and environment. These two inharmonious problems have caused several prominent problems such as the transfer of hundreds of millions of "amphibious migratory" type of migrant workers, the cross-regional flow of energy and bulk commodities, the tremendous pressure of resources and environment in the eastern region, and the increasingly intensified instability factors and social contradictions. The essence to establish an efficient, balanced and safe spatial pattern of urbanization is to realize a regional harmonious development, not only emphasizing people's prosperity, but also highlighting the regional prosperity. There are two core strategies—"industry shift to the west" and "population shift to the east"—launched to optimize the spatial layout of urbanization.

构建科学合理的城镇化空间格局,是推进新型城镇化的内在要求,对提升城镇化质量和推动城镇化健康发展具有重要意义。基于统计数据和地理信息技术,深刻揭示了中国城镇化进程中的空间集聚态势及其造成的突出矛盾,从理论视角综合考察了城镇化进程中的空间集聚形成机理,并简要探讨了优化城镇化空间格局的政策建议。研究表明,改革开放以来中国城镇化进程中的空间集聚态势十分明显,人口、资源、要素和产业大规模向东部沿海地区集聚,并在空间上形成了若干个城市和人口密集区。造成这种空间集聚态势的因素是多方面的,自然本底条件和资源禀赋的地带性差异起到基础性作用,国家发展战略的东部偏向及资源要素的空间集聚效应是外部条件,而更深层次的基本动力源于区域之间日益拉大的发展差距。应该看到,改革开放以来中国人口与产业向东部地区集聚具有一定的历史必然性,但二者的空间集聚未能协同一致,由此导致两个“不协调”,即人口分布与产业及就业岗位分布的不协调及人口、经济分布与资源环境承载能力的不协调。这两个“不协调”造成了数以亿计的“两栖”农民工跨区域迁移、能源与大宗商品的跨区域流动、局部地区资源环境面临巨大压力、不稳定因素和社会矛盾日益激化等突出问题。要构建高效、均衡、安全的城镇化空间格局,其本质就是要实现区域协调发展,即不单纯要强调人的繁荣,还要强调地域的繁荣。“产业西进”和“人口东移”是优化中国城镇化空间格局和形态的战略重点。

Using the  sixth national population census data ，this paper  examines spatial  relationship  and patterns of  China ’s urbanization by  Exploratory? Spatial  Data Analysis． Spatial  autocorrelation  of  urbaniza- tion is a main factor  causing  spatial? differences  of  urbanization  which  also  moderates  the  impacts  of  other factors affecting urbanization． Using  spatial  error  model  which  controls  spatial  autocorrelation  for  regression analysis ，we find that regional differences in land urbanization ，employment and output in the secondary and tertiary  sectors ，and GDP per capita largely determines spatial? differences and patterns of urbanization． An increased level of  employment  of  the tertiary  sector has a larger effect in Central than in East China． Unlike some previous  studies ，when  controlling  for  major  factors ，we  find  regional  financial  expenditure ，export ， development  of  Hong  Kong ，Macao and Taiwan － funded enterprises? and foreign － funded  enterprises have not had  significant  impact  on regional patterns of  urbanization．

中国人口城镇化水平存在明显的空间差异,呈现出"东高西低"的格局。文章根据第六次全国人口普查数据,运用探索性空间分析方法对中国人口城镇化的空间关系进行了分析。研究发现,人口城镇化水平的空间正自相关性是造成中国人口城镇化空间差异的一个主要原因,并且会改变其他因素对人口城镇化的影响。利用控制了空间自相关性的空间误差模型进行回归分析发现,地区之间土地城镇化水平、第二、三产业就业水平和产值水平,以及人均GDP的差距是造成人口城镇化水平空间差异的主要原因,并且第三产业就业水平的提升对中西部地区人口城镇化的促进作用大于其在东部的作用。与一些研究文献的结论不同,本文在控制主要因素后发现,财政支出水平、出口规模、港澳台资和外资企业发展水平对人口城镇化的空间差异影响并不显著。

While China′s urbanization has been characterized by 'growth-oriented' development models, the recent literature has highlighted the emergence of urban shrinkage in China, i.e., cities and regions that endure sustained population losses. This is especially the case for some resource-based cities in Northeast and North China, which have been losing their population and suffering from stagnant and even negative local GDP growth. Shrinking cities is a new phenomenon for research in the areas of population-resources-environments, spatial planning and urban governance in China. Based on a brief review of related literature, this paper summarizes some misunderstandings in the research of shrinking cities in China. It is a challenge to identify shrinking cities scientifically because of different demographies, different classification standards and disconnection between attributes data and geographic units. Extending from the suggestion from Zhou and Shi (1995), this paper, based on urban physical areas comparison and urban administrative areas test, analyzes the changes of China′s urban population and proposes a framework to identify the shrinking cities. The results show that there are 114 designated cities, in which the population size of the "Chengrenkou" (residential population in the built-up area) in 2010 was smaller than that of the "Shirenkou" (residential population in the administrative area) in 2000. However, due to a larger "Shirenkou" size in 2000 in statistics than in actual situation, and also several inflated figures of "Chengrenkou" in 2010, the exact number of "shrinking cities" is less than 114. After excluding "urban administrative areas" with a larger rural population, 56 cities and 75 cities were in net outflow in 2000 and 2010, respectively. The results are highly policy-relevant, therefore we should adjust future policies regarding urban shrinkage management. Finally, this paper argues that China should establish the concept of urban physical areas and promote the regional collaborative statistical system of urbanization. And it is also necessary to build a "spatio-temporal aligned" geographic information system database of China's resident population and take the regional differences in the administrative divisions into account in order to continuously promote the accurate division of urban and rural population.

收缩型城市是中国城镇化、空间规划与城市治理的全新命题。论文在简要梳理收缩型城市相关文献的基础上总结了当前收缩型城市研究在中国的认知误区。因人口统计口径不一致、划分标准不可比、数量属性与地域空间脱节等原因给科学清晰的识别收缩型城市提出了挑战。在周一星、史育龙（1995）建议的基础上,论文提出了基于实体地域对比与行政地域互验来分析全国城市人口的增减变化及收缩型城市的甄别框架,测算表明：全国有114个建制市2010年的“城人口”规模低于2000年“市人口”规模,但由于2000年“市人口”的偏大统计以及2010年“城人口”存在的“个别水分”,这些城市也未必就全是“收缩型城市”;在剔除乡村人口较高的“城市型政区”后,全国2000年和2010年人口处于净流出状态的建制市分别为56个和75个。论文认为：中国应尽快建立城市实体地域概念,推进城市化区域协同统计制度;要构建“时空对齐”的全国常住人口地理信息系统数据库并综合考虑各地行政区划建制差异,持续推进城乡人口的精准划分。

Cities and villages are components of a specific organism. Only the sustainable development of two parts can support the prosperous development as a whole. According to the theory of man-earth areal system, urban-rural integrated system and rural regional system are the theoretical bases for entirely recognizing and understanding urban-rural relationship. To handle the increasingly severe problems of "rural disease" in rapid urbanization, accelerating rural revitalization in an all-round way is not only a major strategic plan for promoting the urban-rural integration and rural sustainable development, but also a necessary requirement for solving the issues related to agriculture, rural areas, and rural people in the new era and securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. This study explores the basic theories of urban-rural integration and rural revitalization and analyzes the main problems and causes of rural development in the new era, proposing problem-oriented scientific approaches and frontier research fields of urban-rural integration and rural revitalization in China. Results show that the objects of urban-rural integration and rural revitalization is a regional multi-body system, which mainly includes urban-rural integration, rural complex, village-town organism, and housing-industry symbiosis. Rural revitalization focuses on promoting the reconstruction of urban-rural integration system and constructs a multi-level goal system including urban-rural infrastructure networks, zones of rural development, fields of village-town space and poles of rural revitalization. Currently, the rural development is facing the five problems: high-speed non-agricultural transformation of agriculture production factors, over-fast aging and weakening of rural subjects, increasingly hollowing and abandoning of rural construction land, severe fouling of rural soil and water environment and deep pauperization of rural poverty-stricken areas. The countryside is an important basis for the socioeconomic development in China, and the strategies of urban-rural integration and rural revitalization are complementary. The rural revitalization focuses on establishing the institutional mechanism for integrated urban-rural development and constructs the comprehensive development system of rural regional system, which includes transformation, reconstruction and innovation in accordance with the requirements of thriving businesses, pleasant living environments, social etiquette and civility, effective governance, and prosperity. Geographical research on rural revitalization should focus on the complexity and dynamics of rural regional system and explore new schemes, models and scientific approaches for the construction of villages and towns, which are guided by radical cure of "rural disease", implement the strategy of rural revitalization polarization, construct the evaluation index system and planning system of rural revitalization, thus providing advanced theoretical references for realizing the revitalization of China's rural areas in the new era.

城市与乡村是一个有机体,只有二者可持续发展,才能相互支撑。依据人地关系地域系统学说,城乡融合系统、乡村地域系统是全新认知和理解城乡关系的理论依据。针对日益严峻的“乡村病”问题,全面实施乡村振兴,既是推进城乡融合与乡村持续发展的重大战略,也是破解“三农”问题,决胜全面建成小康社会的必然要求。本文探讨了新时代城乡融合与乡村振兴的基础理论,剖析了乡村发展面临的主要问题,提出了问题导向的中国城乡融合与乡村振兴科学途径及研究前沿领域。结果表明：① 城乡融合与乡村振兴的对象是一个乡村地域多体系统,包括城乡融合体、乡村综合体、村镇有机体、居业协同体,乡村振兴重在推进城乡融合系统优化重构,加快建设城乡基础网、乡村发展区、村镇空间场、乡村振兴极等所构成的多级目标体系。② 中国“三农”问题本质上是一个乡村地域系统可持续发展问题,当前乡村发展正面临主要农业生产要素高速非农化、农村社会主体过快老弱化、村庄建设用地日益空废化、农村水土环境严重污损化和乡村贫困片区深度贫困化等“五化”难题。③ 乡村是经济社会发展的重要基础,城乡融合与乡村振兴战略相辅相成,乡村振兴应致力于创建城乡融合体制机制,推进乡村极化发展,按照产业兴旺、生态宜居、乡风文明、治理有效、生活富裕的要求,构建乡村地域系统转型—重构—创新发展综合体系。④ 乡村振兴地理学研究应着眼于乡村地域系统的复杂性、综合性、动态性,探究以根治“乡村病”为导向的新型村镇建设方案、模式和科学途径,为实现新时代中国乡村振兴战略提供理论参考。

利用2000 和2010 年中国人口普查分县数据，借助空间分析方法揭示近期中国常住人口城镇化格局特征及其动态变化，结合多元回归模型探讨城镇化空间分异的主要影响因素，基于主成分分析和聚类分析进行中国城镇化发展类型区划分。结果表明：① 2000-2010 年，中国常住人口城镇化率不断提高，年均增加1.3 个百分点，32%的县域城镇化水平年均增长超过1.5 个百分点；② 中国城镇化发展存在区域差异性和“低快高慢”的收敛性，东部、东北、中部、西部四大区域城镇化率年均分别增加1.4、0.5、1.4 和1.3 个百分点；③ 60%的中国县域城镇化发展集中在低城镇化率—高增长率、低城镇化率—中高增长率和低城镇化率—中增长率三种类型，且以中、西部地区分布最为密集；④ 中国县域城镇化格局基本未变，仍以珠三角、长三角、京津冀三大增长极的城镇化发展较为突出，东部地区及内陆省会城市周边的城镇化水平也相对较高；⑤ 经济发展水平、产业结构特征、人力资本状况、人口集聚能力、公共服务水平、地理区位特征对县域城镇化空间分异具有显著而稳健的影响；⑥ 中国城镇化格局可分为具有明显区类一致性和区外异质性的5 大类、20 个区域。新时期的城镇化发展应凸显地域功能、提升承载能力、夯实产业基础、强调节约集约。

Based on the 2000 and 2010 census data of Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei megacity regionthis paper uses the ESDA method to analyze the spatial pattern of urbanization rates as well as its changes at county level By applying Spatial Error Model and GWR method both global and local driving forces of urbanization are investigated in this region The main results are as follows The urbanization rate of Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei megacity region at county level manifests a significant pattern of spatial aggregation which is gradually strengthened The increase of urbanization rate shows a pattern of convergence and areas where the urbanization rate is high have positive impact on the nearby areas where the urbanization rate is low For areas where the urbanization rate is increased the distribution of high value of rural contribution share is similar to that of areas which are in low urbanization rate Economic level industrial structure medical and education level and terrain condition have significant effects on the urbanization level of Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei megacity region Each driving force has a unique distribution of incidence pattern for different areas．

文章基于 2000 年和2010年中国人口普查的分县数据采用方法分析京津冀地区县域城镇化率的空间格局分布及变动情况提出城镇化率变动分城乡贡献度指标并就京津冀地区进行研究采取空间误差模型与的方法分别考察该地区城镇化全局和局部的驱动力状况结果表明京津冀地区的县域城镇化率表现出显著的空间集聚并且有逐渐加强的趋势城镇化率提高过程呈现收敛模式高城镇化率地区对于周边城镇化率过低的地区具有带动作用对于城镇化率提高的地区其增量中乡村贡献度的高值分布与城镇化程度低的一些地区重合经济水平产业结构医教水平和地形因素对京津冀地区城镇化影响显著。

Human is the key to social and economic development, and plays a decisive role in rural evolution. However, influenced by urban-rural dual structure, there are large population outflow in rural China, which makes the strategy of rural revitalization lack of human capital support. Therefore, to scientifically promote the implementation of rural revitalization in the new era, it is necessary to study the rural population outflow. Using datasets of 2000 and 2010 population census of the People's Republic of China by county, this research analyzed the evolution and spatial pattern of rural population outflow in China. Then it explored the mechanism of regional differentiation of outflow rate of rural population (ORRP), which was reflected by the ratio of rural hukou-registered population and rural residential population. Results showed that the development of rural population in China from 1978 to present could be divided into three stages i.e., slow development stage (1978-1995), massive outflow stage (1995-2014) and citizenship of agricultural transfer population (since 2014). From 2000 to 2010, ORRP at county level in China generally showed an upward trend, the centralization of rural hukou-registered and residential population declined obviously. From the perspective of spatial pattern, they all showed significant spatial clustering and positive spatial correlation. In 2000, there were 76.06% counties with ORRP ranging from 100% to 150%, and only 14.01% of the counties' ORRP were less than 100%, which were mainly located in Qinghai-Tibet Plateau, Xinjiang and the border areas of northeast China. By 2010, the proportion of counties with ORRP less than 100% fell to 5.20%, concentrating in Xinjiang, and there were also a few counties in Qinghai-Tibet Plateau and Northeast China. Based on pre-selected influencing factors, estimated results of spatial error model (SEM) indicated that elevation, per capita GDP, urban-rural income ratio, proportion of primary industry, urbanization rate, road density, educational attainment and per capita investment in fixed assets were positively correlated with ORRP at county level, while per capita farmland, per capita net income of rural households and ratio of rural employees showed a negative correlation.

以农村户籍人口和常住人口及两者表征的农村人口外流率为研究对象,利用“五普”和“六普”数据探讨了中国农村人口外流的演化及其空间格局,在预选取影响因素的基础上,基于空间计量模型剖析了县域农村人口外流率的地域分异机制。结果显示：农村人口发展演化可划分为缓慢发展阶段、大量外流阶段、农业转移人口市民化发展阶段3个时期;全国县域农村人口外流率呈现出程度不断加深的态势,农业户籍人口和乡村常住人口的集中度下降明显,并呈现出明显的空间聚类和空间正相关性;平均海拔、人均GDP、城乡居民收入比、第一产业占比、城镇化率、道路密度、受教育水平、人均固定资产投资与农村人口外流率呈现出正相关关系,而人均耕地面积、农民人均纯收入、乡村从业人员占比与农村人口外流率呈现出负相关关系。

China’s cities belong to the clustered pattern, examining them by Kolmogorov-Ami-nov formula and the Lorenz curve. The highest density of cities and towns has happened in Shanghai municipality: 56.77 cities and towns per 10,000 km². Zhejiang and Jiangsu Provinces occupy second and third places, according to the density of urban settlements: 17.06 and 11.67 cities and towns per 10,000 km² respectively. The lowest density indexes of cities and towns are found in Xizang Autonomous Region and Qinghai: 0.08 and 0.12 respectively, the density of cities and towns is regularly reducing from East to West in China. The provincial variation of the density of cities and towns can be explained by the regression techniques. A correlation coefficient of 0.87 has been obtained by the regression analysis of the density of cities and towns, in which the population density as independent variable. In provinces and autonomous regions, the greater the population density, the greater the density of cities and towns. A multiple correlation coefficient is 0.96, which was found by multiple regression analysis of the density of urban settlements with the gross industrial and agricultural output value, per capita industrial output, the index of the railway length, per rural person grain output, and population density as independent variables. These five variables can explain 92% of the provincial variation of the density of urban settlements.Because the urbanization is measured by the proportion of urban population to the Provincial total ones, the urbanization level of those provinces with concentration of unban settlements and urban population seems to be not so high. Mostof the relatively high urbanized provinces and autonomous regions are located in Northeast, North and Northwest China, while the provinces with moderate and lower urbanization level are found in the East, Central and South provinces. Variables of population density, size of area, and industrial-agricultural output ratio, per capita industrial output, per capita agricultural output, per capita total production output can be used a for reflection of provinces’ population and economic characteristics respectively. Two factors are identified by factor analysis "with varimax rotation. The first factor is industrialization that measures the levels of industrialization and productivity and the second faetor-ispoptulation density that reflects the general population distribution characteristics of a province or an autonomous region. As these two factors are orthogonal each other, it suggests that there is not direct relationship between the industrialisation level with population size or density in every province or aut. region. A multiple correlation coefficient of 0.863 has been obtained by multiple regression analysis between urbanization level with the factor scores of industrialization level and population density as independent variables. These two factors could explain 74.5% of the provincial variation of urbanization level. The urbanization level of a province oir an autonomous region is related positively with industrialization level but negatively with population density. The industrial distribution policy encourages urbanization for the less densely populated Northeast, North and Northwest provinces and autonomous regions. To a certain extent, the control of urban population discourages urbanization for the densely populated East.There is big variation in the primacy index of the provinces in China. It ranges from 1,009 in Auhui to 10.23 in Qinghai (in 1982). The provinces and autonomous regions with high primacy index are mainly concentrated in the Northwest and Southwest regions of China, except Guangdong an Hubei provinces. The indexes of provinces and aut. regions in West China have increased since liberation, but in recent years, they have begun to fall in some provinces and autonomous regions. Most of the Northeast, East, North, and Central South provinces have moderate or low primacy indexes, which have declined since liberation. The provincial variation of the

解放以来,我国城市化水平有了一定的提高,但仍然较低。1982年底市镇总人口21 154万,占全国总人口的20％。但其中包括了近三分之一的农业人口,如以市镇总人口中的非农业人口计,约占全国总人口的14.2％。我国城市化水平不仅比发达国家低,而且也比一般发展中国家低。

In recent years, the continuous decline of the total population at the regional scale has become increasingly obvious. Considering that most regions have still been experiencing the rapid urbanization processes, it is necessary to analyze the differences of urban and rural population changes and its underlying driving forces in the population shrinking areas. Based on the population census data in 2000 and 2010, this article has analyzed the difference characteristics of urban-rural population change in the population shrinking counties by identifying several urban-rural differentiation types, and then we have established a theoretical framework to investigate the underlying drivers. The main findings are as follows: 1) 38.6% of the research samples have experienced population shrinkage in the period from 2000 to 2010, but most of them have been characterized by “urban population increasing and rural population declining” (or “urban growth and rural decline” for short), and these units account for 89.5% of all the shrinking samples, and the proportion of urban-rural population both shrinking type (or “urban and rural both decline” for short) has a relatively low percentage. 2) In the central region, the type of “urban growth and rural decline A”, which means a high urban growth rate, occupies the main part, and Northeast China has a high percentage of the type of “urban and rural both decline”, and there are obvious spatial differentiations in the eastern and western China. 3) The factors of urbanization level and economic development level have the most significant impacts on the differentiation of urban-rural population change among the population shrinking areas: the population shrinking areas with higher urbanization level and lower economic development level will be more likely to experience slow urban population growth and even urban population decline. 4) The growth rate of economic development, the level of natural population growth, and the quality of public services also have certain impacts on the differentiation of urban-rural population change among the population shrinking areas. Based on these findings, we argue that the perspective of urban-rural differentiation can deepen understanding of population shrinkage in China, and it can also contribute to the relevant theories of population shrinkage in a developing context.

在县市尺度上对2000—2010年人口收缩区的城乡分异特征进行分析，划分出城增乡减型、城乡双收缩型和城减乡增型等类型，并建立人口收缩城乡分异的理论分析框架，探讨了不同类型的形成机理，主要的发现如下：① 2000—2010年，人口收缩单元占比约为38.6%，城增乡减型单元占据绝对主体，达到34.5%，而“城乡双收缩型”和“城减乡增型”单元占比均较低。② 中部地区人口收缩区城镇人口增长普遍较快，东北地区城乡双收缩的特征较为突出，而东部和西部地区存在较明显的空间分异。③ 城镇化水平和经济发展水平对人口收缩城乡分异特征的影响最为显著，城镇化水平较高而经济发展水平较低的人口收缩区越可能出现城镇人口增长缓慢甚至城乡双收缩。④ 经济发展速度、人口自然增长水平、公共服务等因素对人口收缩城乡分异特征也存在一定的影响。

Considering the new-type urbanization background, the nearby urbanization model provides a practical approach toward eliminating the disadvantage of trans-regional urbanization and promoting urbanization. This study establishes the indexes of the nearby urbanization rate (NU), contribution to nearby urbanization (CNU) and trend of contribution to nearby urbanization (TNU), to analyze the spatial differentiation features of nearby urbanization in central and western China from 2000 to 2015. Moreover, this study explores the determinant factors and influencing mechanism of the spatial differentiation of nearby urbanization in the study region. Results show that: (1) From 2000 to 2015, the population of nearby urbanization increased from 196 million to 347 million and the NU increased from 28.16% to 46.89%. (2) Based on the analysis of the CNU, we found that the main source of nearby urbanization was the population registered in the local town, but the contribution of local town to nearby urbanization (CNUt) gradually declined over the study period. The areas with high CNUt were widely distributed in central and western China in 2000, but by 2015, they were restricted to Sichuan province. Meanwhile, the contribution of local county to nearby urbanization (CNUc) increased and the contribution of local province to nearby urbanization (CNUp) varied slightly. Most areas with high CNUp were provincial capital cities, resource-based cities or pastural cities. (3) Based on the analysis of the TNU, the trend of the contribution of local county to nearby urbanization (TNUc) exceeded the trend of the contribution of local province to nearby urbanization (TNUp), while the trend of the contribution of local town to nearby urbanization (TNUt) exhibited the least influence. Therefore, examining nearby urbanization based on the county-level spatial unit was advantageous in most regions; however, in the northwestern border regions and provincial capital cities, the provincial level was more applicable. (4) The spatial differentiation of nearby urbanization was determined based on the integrated results of various influencing factors, including natural environment, economic development, non-agricultural industries, urban public services, transportation accessibility, and the influence of local administration.

就近城镇化是中国中西部地区破除异地城镇化模式弊端、推进新型城镇化健康发展的现实路径选择。通过构建就近城镇化率、贡献力和贡献势指标,从本省、本县和本镇3个城镇化尺度,系统分析2000—2015年中国中西部地区就近城镇化空间分异特征,并深入剖析其驱动机制。研究发现：① 2000—2015年中西部地区就近城镇人口总数从1.96亿增加到3.47亿,就近城镇化率从28.16%上升到46.89%。② 从贡献力看,中西部地区就近城镇化的主要来源是本镇户籍人口,但本镇贡献力呈下降趋势,本县贡献力波动上升,本省贡献力变化不大。③ 从贡献势看,本县贡献势>本省贡献势>本镇贡献势,县域尺度是中西部大部分地区就近城镇化的优势空间单元。④ 中西部地区就近城镇化空间分异是自然环境背景、经济增长和非农产业发展、城市公共服务供给、交通运输条件和地方行政力量等多重因素的综合作用结果。

The form of population migration and mobility constitutes a key element of the characteristics of migration. Since China has entered the late-intermediate stage of urbanization, it is very important to accurately identify and understand the transformation in the form of population migration and mobility. While a growing body of literature has been generated and significant progress has been made on China's population migration and mobility and its determinants, an important inadequacy of relevant research are often focused on rural to urban population migration and mobility, neglecting the multi-dimensional forms of population migration and mobility. Based on relevant theories and international experience relating to the transformation in the forms of population migration and mobility, and using data from the China Migrants Dynamic Survey (CMDS), Report on Monitoring and Investigation of Migrant Workers in China, and relevant statistics, this study examined the processes of the transformation in the forms of the population migration and mobility in China and their characteristics at the present stage and the issues and challenges arising therefrom. The results show that there have been significant changes in the forms of population migration and mobility in China, and such changes mainly manifest in the following aspects: First, there has been a steady increase in return migration and short-distance migration; Second, inter-urban migration has also significantly increased and become increasingly common; Third, the urbanization process of the floating population based on the rural-urban transfer of their hukou has started to accelerate, and their rural-urban multiple livelihoods has increasingly shifted towards the urban end; Fourth, there has been a developing trend of urbanization driven by housing purchases in both migrants' places of origin and destination. The study also identified issues and challenges in the process of transformation in the forms of population migration and mobility, including: First, there is a lack of sustainability in in situ urbanization promoted by return migration; Second, urban-urban migration are highly concentrated in a few provinces of the eastern region; Third, there are still many obstacles for the urbanization of rural migrants based on their hukou transfer. Finally, the article puts forward some policy recommendations from the perspectives of the construction of multi-level spatial system of urbanization of the floating population, the transformation of urban governance mode, and the promotion of the capacity for sustainable development of small towns in central and western regions.

人口迁移流动形式是构成人口迁移流动特征的一个关键要素。在中国进入人口城镇化中后期后,准确判断和把握人口迁移流动形式的转变是一项十分重要的工作。论文基于人口迁移流动形式转变的相关理论与国际经验,考察现阶段中国人口迁移流动形式转变的进程和特点及由此产生的问题与挑战。研究发现,中国人口迁移流动形式已发生转变,并突出表现为人口回流现象不断增多、省际和省内人口迁移流动此消彼长的趋势日益明显;城—城流动显著增加,人口的城-城间流动将渐成常态化;流动人口户籍城镇化进程开始加快,其城乡两栖生计的重心向城镇转移;住房驱动下的流动人口就地、异地城镇化渐成趋势等。同时,人口迁移流动形式转变过程中面临着人口回流推动的就近就地城镇化发展可持续性不足;城—城流动向东部少数省市聚集的态势明显;以户籍城镇化主导的农业流动人口市民化面临多重障碍等问题与挑战。最后,从流动人口城镇化的空间载体构建、城市治理方式转变、中西部小城镇自我可持续发展能力提升等方面提出相应的建议。

Based on the data of usual residence from 2000 and 2010 censuses and 1995 and 2015 micro-censuses and using the method proposed by Abel G. J., this paper estimates the O-D migration flows among prefectural-level administrative units in China for the period 1995-2015. By using the indicators of migration flows and migration rates, and the methods of GIS spatial analysis and community detection in social network analysis, it further reveals the characteristics of spatio-temporal evolution of migration in China since 1995. The results can be summarized as follows. (1) The scale and intensity of migration in China have been increasing, while their differences among regions have been gradually decreasing. This suggests that migration has experienced a gradual transformation from a "low-activity era" including a limited number of regions to a "high-activity era" involving the majority of regions. (2) Six regional types of migration among prefectural-level administrative units, namely, large-scale active net in-migration, small-scale net in-migration, large-scale active net out-migration, small-scale active net out-migration, active balanced migration and inactive migration, are identified. The spatio-temporal evolution characteristics of the regional types of migration in China indicate that each active migration regional type has been undergoing a change of continuous diffusion, while the inactive migration regional type has seen a significant reduction over time. (3) The spatial patterns of migration are quite different between regions on both sides of "Hu Line", manifested in the fact that the scale and intensity of migration flows on the southeastern side of the line is higher than that on the northwestern side, which means that the "Hu Line" is quite stable and robust in the last 20 years. (4) Patterns of migration flows indicate that while intra-provincial migration has continuously strengthened, inter-provincial migration has exhibited more complicated spatial patterns, mainly reflected in different changing trends of attractiveness to migrants among the three coastal city clusters, and the increasing migration flows within southwest China. As a result of combined effects of inter- and intra-provincial migration flows, the structure of migration flows in China's eastern, central and western regions has been undergoing changes, resulting in the internal differentiation of urban agglomerations and the declining spatial scope under their influence in the coastal areas, Hubei as the single independent "city community" in central China, as well as the relative stability in northwest China and continuous change in southwest China.

本文利用人口普查数据,估算了1995—2015年中国地（市）间人口O-D迁移流和迁移率,结合GIS空间分析和社会网络分析方法,揭示了20年间中国人口迁移的时空变化特征。研究发现：① 中国人口迁移由相对不活跃、局部地区参与的“低活性时代”,逐步走向相对活跃、绝大多数地区参与的“高活性时代”。② 人口迁移地域类型的时空演化过程呈现出各活跃型地（市）不断扩散,而非活跃型地（市）大幅缩减的特点。③ 人口迁移网络以“胡焕庸线”为界,东、西两侧迁移流“东密西疏”且差异悬殊,这一空间格局具有很强的稳定性和顽健性。④ 在人口省内迁移持续增强,以及跨省迁移中沿海三大城市群吸引力的“此消彼长”和西南地区吸引力不断增强的背景下,东中西部地区的人口迁移流场结构表现为：沿海地区主要城市群内部分化和影响范围减弱,中部地区（除湖北省）未能演化出以省为单元的独立社区,西部地区则是西北相对稳定而西南持续变动。

China's migrant population continued to grow for decades, but has slowly declined since 2015. In such a context, the destination choice of stock migrants has a profound influence on the future pattern of population distribution and urbanisation. Previous analysis and modelling of internal migration in China have mainly focused on the primary migration or the most recent one, while it has long been recognized that migration is a repetitive event. Migrants have various motives and strategies in different stages, and the experience gained from the primary migration will affect the subsequent one. So, the primary and onward migrations differ in their spatial patterns. This paper focused on China's onward migrants who have moved once. Considering both the origins and primary destinations, we constructed a framework of how multi-proximity, which includes cognitive proximity, geographic proximity, institutional proximity, informational proximity and social proximity, which generates an influence on destination choice by affecting the migration cost. Based on data from the 2017 China Migrants Dynamic Survey, and by the use of the nested logit model, we make an empirical test. The results show that migrants have a dual identity of the origin and the primary destination, and their onward migration is based simultaneously on these two places. After controlling the effects of cities' characteristics, dual multi-proximity has a significant and robust impact on migrants' decision-making. Onward migrants prefer destinations which match them well in education background, and are geographically adjacent to, and closely connected with their origins and previous destinations. The migration network between a destination and its origins increases the likelihood that onward migrants will migrate to such a destination. Besides, migrants are willing to return to the province of their origins subjectively, but cities in such provinces are generally lack of attractiveness due to low level of socio-economic development. However, the effect of proximities varies from different groups. This is reflected in the following facts. First, women are more dependent on their hometown networks than men. Second, the new generation of migrants is similar to the older one in many ways, but relies more on the information and social connections of their hometowns than the latter. Finally, highly educated migrants are able to take advantage of localized social capital owing to their deep social integration in the primary destinations and are less dependent on the social capital in their origins. So, their destination choice is more similar to local residents than their counterparts.

中国人口流动进入总量稳定下的空间调整新阶段,存量流动人口的再流动成为塑造人口和城镇化格局的主体因素。本文从户籍地和前期流入地两个基点出发,综合考虑地理、制度、信息、社会、认知等维度,构建了双重多维邻近性影响人口再流动目的地选择的理论框架,利用全国流动人口动态监测调查数据和嵌套Logit模型开展实证研究。结果表明：双重多维邻近性对人口再流动的空间选择具有显著而稳健的影响。人口再流动时,会选择与自身知识水平更匹配、与户籍地和前期流入地都更近、信息联系都更强的城市,但社会联系仍主要依靠老家。流动人口具有回到户籍所在省（区、市）的主观意愿,但省内城市普遍机会不多、环境欠佳,缺乏吸引力。相对而言,女性对同乡网络的依赖高于男性;新生代流动人口在很多方面继承了老一代的特点,甚至比后者更依赖老家的信息和社会联系;高学历流动人口在流入地的深度社会融入使其能够利用本地化社会资本,再流动的空间选择也与流入地居民更为类似。

Using data of the latest three decennial censuses, this paper systematically analyzes the overall spatial pattern, changing trends, and influence mechanisms of China's population distribution since 2000. The study reveals that the general population distribution pattern of "dense east and sparse west" in China has not changed, which is determined by the differences in natural geographic environments on the two sides of Hu Line. In the first decade of the century, population concentration was mainly found in the southeastern area, but it has been observed in all regions in the recent decade. Provincial capitals have become the winners of population competition and the advantages of population growth of provincial capitals have been further strengthened in the recent decade compared with 2000-2010. However, the administrative power-led effects of the increasing dominance of provincial capitals will gradually weaken with the development of their provinces. The regional differentiation of population changes is also apparent: coastal region gradually forms a dense belt of population and towns with solid population attraction based on the development of urban agglomerations; the northeast region almost turns to a complete population shrinking status; central provinces still compete fiercely for population based on their capitals; the population of Sichuan, Chongqing, and Guizhou has stopped the decline and returned to growth; and the northwest region faces the risk of population loss. In addition, this paper finds that the driving factors of regional population growth have gradually changed from economic factors to both economic and amenity factors, and the difference of amenities among regions may become an important factor for future changes in China's population geography.

基于第五、六、七次全国人口普查数据,本文分析了2000—2020年中国人口分布的空间格局、集散态势和影响因素。结果表明,中国人口分布依然保持东密西疏的基本格局,胡焕庸线两侧的自然地理环境差异性决定了这一格局的长期稳定性;人口空间集中化趋势在21世纪初的10年内主要发生在东南半壁,但在2010—2020年间成为各区域的共同特征。省会城市的人口集聚能力持续增强,2010—2020年的优势更加凸显,但这种行政力量主导的首位度提升效应将随着全省发展阶段的演进而逐渐弱化。人口变动的区域分化明显：沿海城市群的空间连绵化逐渐形成了强吸引力、高承载力的沿海人口增长带,东北地区几乎转向全面的人口收缩,中部各省依托省会展开的人口竞争依然激烈,川渝黔地区普遍实现了人口的止降回增,西北地区则面临人口收缩风险。此外,区域人口增长的驱动因素逐渐从经济要素主导转为经济要素和舒适性要素并重,各地区舒适性的差异可能将成为影响未来人口空间格局变化的重要因素。

 利用 1 990年第四次人口普查和 2 0 0 0年第五次人口普查的资料,对在“四普”至“五普”间中国城镇人口增长构成进行了分析。分析结果表明,在新增长的城镇人口中,有 5 2 %是来自于地域的重新划分,有 31 %是来自于人口从农村向城镇的迁移,来自于城镇人口自然增长的只有 1 7%。本文认为,未来中国的城市化应当主要依靠人口从农村向城镇的迁移,因此,采取有效的政策和措施,解决好从农村迁移到城镇的人口的就业和生活,使他们能够顺利向城镇转移,这对于 2 1世纪中国城市化的发展至关重要。

基于2000和2010年全国人口普查分县数据和地级行政单元数据,采用不均衡指数和空间自相关分析等方法,刻画中国高技能劳动力和一般劳动力的空间分布格局及其变化,并采用空间滞后模型,识别高技能劳动力与一般劳动力空间分布的决定因素及其变化。结果表明：① 两类劳动力总体的空间特征均为东南密集,西北稀疏;② 2000—2010年,高技能劳动力在空间分布上呈集中化的趋势,而一般劳动力呈分散化的趋势;③ 十年间高技能劳动力集聚区虹吸作用加强,其分布越发集中于沿海特大城市群,而一般劳动力集聚区回波作用加强,其分布越发均衡;④ 空间回归分析结果表明,职工平均工资、是否直辖市或省会、每万人在校高校学生、是否沿海城市、常住人口数和空间溢出效应在十年中一直都是决定高技能劳动力和一般劳动力空间分布的主要因素,而失业率、中学生师比、二氧化硫排放量和绿地率在2010年也成为影响两类劳动力空间分布的主要因素。对比两类劳动力的模型结果可得,高技能劳动力的空间分布受行政因素、高校因素和地区生活舒适度的影响更大,而一般劳动力的空间分布受劳动力市场因素的影响更大。

This article reviews the progress of population geography in China since the 1980s. The review results suggest that contrary to the common perception of its decline and marginalization in the field of geography, tremendous progress has been made in population geography in China since the 1980s. Population geographers have made significant contributions to the understanding of a wide range of population issues from geographical perspectives, including migration, urbanization, population distribution, the relationships between population, environment and resources, aging, marriage patterns, and migrants' crimes, although such contributions often did not become visible in the geographical circle. Furthermore, population geographers have played an indispensable role in revitalizing population studies in China and forging its links to human geography, occupying an important position in this multi-disciplinary field. Population geographers' contribution to the areas of migration and urbanization research has been particularly significant, reflected in their leading roles in these research areas. This review demonstrates that as latecomers in the field of population studies, population geographers in China have gone through a process of catching up and increasing engagement with developments in social sciences and increasing interaction with social scientists since the 1980s, and have benefited greatly from this process. However, there is a tendency for population geography to be increasingly alienated from the main stream human geography, a phenomenon similar to but not exactly the same as Anglo-American geography in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The article argues that population geography is only half way in the course to forge the links between population studies and human geography, and it needs to return to geographical sciences to create a healthy and balanced identity between population studies and human geography, and promote its further development in a multi-disciplinary field.

本文对20世纪80年代以来中国人口地理学的发展进行了全面综述。尽管近年来中国人口地理学在地理学科领域给人留下的是萧条、甚至被边缘化的印象,但从跨学科的角度看,该学科还是取得了巨大进展。人口地理学者在复兴中国的人口学研究中发挥了不可或缺的作用,并在这一跨学科研究领域中占据了重要地位。人口地理学者从地理学的视角出发,在人口迁移流动、城镇化、人口分布、人口与资源和环境之间的关系、老龄化、婚姻模式和移民犯罪等众多人口问题的研究上作出了重要贡献,尤其是在人口迁移流动研究和人口城镇化若干问题的研究中占据着领先地位。中国人口地理学者自20世纪80年代以来与社会科学领域学者间的交流互动不断增加,在促进学科发展的同时,也出现了一种逐渐偏离主流人文地理学的倾向;今后,中国人口地理学应更多地回归地理学领域,在人口学和人文地理学两个领域间寻求健康、平衡的定位,以促进其在跨学科领域中获得进一步发展。

Terrain niche was used to describe the terrain difference of the Longhua area in Shenzhen special economic zone, and nondimensional distribution index was used to semiquantitatively analyze the spatial distribution characteristics based on the remotely sensed interpretation maps of landscape elements.Distribution index can describe the difference between the actual distribution and the standard distribution of a landscape element, excluding the disturbance of the area therefore availing kinds of comparative analyses.The complexity of holistic distribution pattern on the terrain niche gradient of the landscape elements significantly increased from 1988 to 1996.Land use and structure regulation activities on Meso-scale are the main human transformation activities, which contribute to finer division of land use of different terrain conditions.The different terrain conditions frame the landscape pattern in the large scale.

Much global attention has been paid to China's stable and rapid economic growth and urbanization in recent 30 years of the reform and opening-up. Using a decomposition method, this paper extracts the contribution of each province from the national urbanization, and then divides it into growth effect and migration effect, which respectively represent performances of cities in the province in absorbing rural residents from villages in the province per se, as well as migrants from other provinces. Major findings are outlined as follows. (1) The coast-inland gap had been characterized by spatial disparity of China's urbanization for a long time until the new century. The east coastal provinces, with the most remarkable urban expansion and urban population growth, have contributed 49% of the national urbanization due to special policies and location advantages. Although the urbanization there was going at a slower pace, its contribution to China's urbanization was still the greatest, with a peak of more than 60% in the late 1990s. (2) In the early 21st century, especially since 2005, however, inland regions have played a rising role in the national urbanization. As a consequence both to high speed of local urbanization and to the reduction of emigration, contributions of central and western China to the national urbanization have increased rapidly. In the recent period of 2005-2008, for instance, either of them contributed about 30% of the total urbanization. Although their gap to eastern provinces still exists, it comes mostly from inter-regional migration, or the migration effects. The growth effects of eastern, central, and western China are all about 30%. (3) Based on the regression results, three new regional development policies, known as Western Development, Revitalization of Old Industrial Bases in Northeast China, and Rising of Central China, have promoted the national urbanization by some 0.06 percentage point every year, which is about 8.7% of the total contribution of inland provinces, although there are not significant impacts on the mechanism of China's regional urbanization. (4) The effect of regional development policies is derived not only from the direct investment from governments but also from the subsequent domestic and foreign investment. The large scale construction of infrastructure driven by these investments has narrowed the coast-inland gap under policy and location conditions. Consequently, return migration and industrial transfer from coastal provinces to inland regions have ultimately resulted in the abovementioned rising role of inland regions in China's urbanization in the 21st century.

The phenomenon of regional population decline has aroused much attention across the world in recent years, and it is also increasingly obvious in China. Using 1990, 2000 and 2010 population census data, and the national 1% population sample investigation data in 2015, this paper analyzes the evolution trend of regional population decline at the county level in three periods, namely 1990-2000, 2000-2010 and 2010-2015, and identified different evolution types by comparing adjacent periods. We employ a multiple logistic regression model to investigate the underlying driving factors in these processes. The main findings are as follows. (1) The phenomenon of regional population decline became very obvious at the county level, and the percentages of units with population decline in the three periods were all more than 20%. (2) The population decline units expanded significantly from 2000 to 2010, especially in the Northeast region, Sichuan-Guizhou-Chongqing region, and the middle reaches of the Yangtze River, while such units were scattered in the northern part of Jiangsu province and the western part of Fujian province in the Eastern region. (3) The population decline areas presented a trend of slow growth from 2010 to 2015, and only expanded in the Northeast region and Henan province. (4) The factors of economic development level, such as the per capita GDP and the non-agricultural employment ratio, significantly influenced the formation of regional population decline, while the factors of economic development rates, including the growths of per capita GDP and the non-agricultural employment, contributed to the evolution processes of regional population change, and a low economic development rate had been a key factor driving continuous population decline. (5) In addition to economic factors, the natural population growth, including the percentage of the aging population and the birth rate, had an increasing influence on the formation and evolution of regional population decline. According to the above findings, we suggest that the central government should pay more attention to the phenomenon of regional population decline, and take appropriate measures to deal with it, such as promoting the coordinated regional development, adjusting the birth policy to improve the fertility level, and strengthening the planning practice from the perspective of population decline.

近年来,区域人口收缩问题在全球范围内引起了广泛关注,并且在中国也日益明显。利用1990年、2000年和2010年人口普查数据以及2015年1%人口抽样调查数据,本文在县市尺度上分析了1990—2000年、2000—2010年和2010—2015年三个时期人口收缩区的空间特征及演化趋势,并定量探讨了其形成与演变的影响因素,主要发现如下：① 人口收缩现象在县市尺度非常明显,三个时期人口收缩区占比均超过20%;② 2000—2010年人口收缩区以大面积扩张为主要特征,东北地区、川黔渝地区、长江中游地区最为明显,而东部地区则主要集中在江苏北部和福建西部等局部范围;③ 2010—2015年人口收缩转缓慢增长成为主要特征,仅东北地区、河南等人口收缩区仍有所扩张;④ 人均GDP和非农就业占比等经济发展水平因素对人口收缩区的形成影响显著,而经济发展速度因素则与人口收缩的演变密切相关;⑤ 除经济因素外,人口自然增长因素对人口收缩区形成及演变的影响均非常显著,且其作用呈增强趋势。

Urban development policies provide general guidelines for sustainable urban development and establish the direction and overall framework of urban development. Urban development rules dictate that urban development policies change alongside different urban development phases, hence, cities in various stages need compatible policies to guide their development. Here, we review the evolution of Chinese urban development policy and its impact over the past 60 years. Limitations of current Chinese urban development policy were identified, including incompatibility between existing policies and the reality of urban development; a lack of basic elaboration of urban agglomeration in key urbanization regions; unreasonable standards for classifying large, medium and small cities; and the inharmonious situation between urban system hierarchies and administrative divisions. Following our review and identification of current issues, several adjustments to existing urban deployment policy are proposed. For example, a new standard should be applied to classify cities into six different scales of megacity behemoth (urban population &ge; 10 million), mega city (urban population 5-10 million), large city (urban population of 1-5 million), medium-sized city (urban population of 0.5-1 million), small city (urban population of 0.1-0.5 million), and small town (urban population < 0.1 million). Under a new context for China's development and urbanization, overall policy should guide the development of urban agglomerations, control the sprawl of megacity behemoths and mega cities, promote the development of large cities, encourage the development of medium-sized cities, and foster the development of small-sized cities and small towns. Under this new system, a six-layer national urban hierarchy with 20 urban agglomerations, 10 megacity behemoths, 20 mega cities, 150 large cities, 240 medium-sized cities, 350 small cities and 19000 small towns could be established by the year 2020. Reconstructing the system of establishing designated cities and the possibility of building different national autonomous cities are also discussed. Fostering the development of small cities and small towns that would become the first choice for the urbanization of the agricultural population would improve the overall quality of urbanization and townships across China.

城市发展方针是指导城市持续健康发展、把握城市发展大局与方向的总体纲领。处在不同发展阶段的城市需要与之相适应的城市发展方针来指导，城市发展的阶段性规律决定了城市发展方针是随着城市发展阶段的变化而调整的，因而不是一成不变的。在对中国近60 多年来城市发展总体方针演变过程与指导效果回顾总结的基础上，客观分析了中国现行城市发展方针的局限性，包括现行城市发展方针与国家城市发展的客观现实不相符合，缺少对城市化重点地区&ldquo;城市群&rdquo;的基本表述，对大、中、小城市的划分标准不尽合理，现行城市发展方针指导下的城市体系等级规模结构与行政区划不相协调等。最后提出了调整现行城市发展方针的建议方案，重新划分大、中、小城市的规模标准，将中国城市划分为超大城市（市区常住人口规模&ge;1000 万人）、特大城市（介于500 万~1000 万人）、大城市（介于100 万~500 万人）、中等城市（介于50 万~100 万人）、小城市（介于10 万~50 万人）、小城镇（<10 万人） 共六个规模等级标准；将新形势下中国城市发展方针调整为：引导发展城市群，严格控制超大和特大城市，合理发展大城市，鼓励发展中等城市，积极发展小城市和小城镇，形成城市群与大、中、小城市与小城镇协调发展的国家城市发展新格局。到2020 年将形成由20 个城市群、10 个超大城市、20 个特大城市、150 个大城市、240 个中等城市、350 个小城市和19000 个小城镇组成的6 级国家城市规模结构新体系；重新构建建制市的设市标准，尝试建立民族自治市；鼓励发展小城市和小城镇，把其作为农业人口就近就地市民化的首选地，不断提升城镇化发展质量。

Based on the basic judgment of identification standards and spatial structure of urban agglomerations in China, this paper considered that "15+8" spatial structure system comprised of 15 compliance and 8 non-compliance of urban agglomerations was the present structure of formation and development of urban agglomerations in China. The main conclusions were as follows. Firstly, analyzing the "three high" characteristic comprised of high-density cluster, high-speed growth, high-intensity operation of urban agglomerations in China, this paper put forward: 1) "Four Low" problems containing low development degree, low input-output efficiency, low compact degree, low resources and environmental protection degree, 2) "Four Competition" problems comprised of blindly competing for national strategies regardless of own condition to strive for national pilot area, expanding their power regardless of the red line to trigger a large-scale land to construct cities, leading to the so-called high degree of integration with competing for construction repeatedly regardless of cooperation, breeding area deprivation with drawing up high goals careless for the resources and environmental capacity; 3) "Four-off" problems containing excessive intervention of government and administration, high estimated of the development prospects, dense negative effect of the clustering size, large development gap and 4) "Five Missing" problems comprised of lack of unified identification standard of urban agglomerations, lack of standardized statistical data, lack of centralized management with specific authorities, lack of accepted planning approach and implementation institution, lack of planning legal status of urban agglomerations. Secondly, this paper brought forward the overall development strategy and construction goals of urban agglomerations in China and thought that it would form national urban agglomerations spatial structure system comprised of 23 urban agglomerations, 6 urban agglomerations gathering area and "π" shaped urban agglomerations continuous band. Finally, some policy support mechanism and countermeasures suggestions for the construction of urban agglomerations in China were put forward: 1) to formate a national-level and local-level coordinated development management committee of urban agglomerations, public finance mechanisms and public financial reserve system for urban agglomerations, 2) to revise Town and Country Planning Act or to introduce Regional Planning Act which will add the content of urban agglomerations planning and draft treaty for cooperation of urban agglomerations, 3) to introduce Urban Agglomerations Planning Approval Approach and Urban Agglomerations Planning Implementation Management Ordinance and to build urban agglomerations planning implementation institution, 4) to introduce technical guide to guide scientific planning for urban agglomerations and to strengthen resources and environmental protection capacity and sustainable development capacity of urban agglomerations, 5) relying on the rapid land-axis and speeding up to construct the 7 918 national highway network and "four vertical and four horizontal" high-speed railway network for improving rapid transit system of urban agglomerations, and 6) to specify standards of statistical data and compile and publish Statistical Yearbook of Urban Agglomerations in China.

Urbanization is an important comprehensive problem of social and economic development in contemporary China, involving fundamental issue of how to realize the goal of new and modern harmonious social development according to coordinated development of national economy, and sustainable development problem of rational utilization and long-term protection of resources and environment. After more than three decades of reform and opening up, socio-economic development has maintained a new situation of the rapid advance. Brilliant achievements in comprehensive national power, industrialization, urbanization and urban-rural integration have been obtained in China. Urbanization is not only the concept of historical development, but also the historical process of the objective laws of industrialization and social development. With the unprecedented advance of urbanization in the motherland, urbanization comprehensively promotes the tremendous economic and social development, and largely improves living standards and housing conditions of urban and rural residents. However, in recent 10 years (1996-2009), urbanization development has derogated from the principle of gradual and orderly progress beyond the normal track of urbanization development, which is called "the rapid urbanization" in the process. Recently, many scholars believes that urbanization in China shows "Great Leap Forward" and "Rash Advance". The main manifestation is the empty high speed of urbanization development, the excessive consumption of water and land resources, large-scale land occupation and land damage in the process of traffic construction in rural areas, medium-sized and large cities, and serious damage and pollution to natural eco-environment. Based on the above-mentioned situations, we suppose that urbanization in China should follow the requirements of scientific development view and think in a scientific perspective with the idea of seeking truth from facts and considering the special situation of China after our research and comprehensive analysis over the past years.

According to the 7th Population Census, the size of the floating population has further grown; the urban attraction to floating population keeps increasing; the floating population has become the leading factor of urban population growth; urban to urban population migration has expanded; the floating population is still highly concentrated to move to the eastern region; population who live in places other than their household registration areas has strikingly increased; the international immigration has steadily grown. In summary, highly active population movements in China get further confirmation.

第七次全国人口普查数据显示：中国流动人口规模大幅度扩大；城镇对流动人口的吸引度不断增强；流动人口已成为城镇人口增长的主导因素；城城流动人口规模大幅度提升；流动人口仍高度集中地流向东部地区；市辖区内人户分离人口增长最快；国际移民稳健增长。迁徙中国形态得到进一步确认。

Since the reform and opening up, China's rapid urbanization has boosted the development of economy and society, but it is also confronted with tremendous challenges. The multidisciplinary research has promoted the issue of National New-type Urbanization Planning, which indicates the transformation of China's urbanization strategy. Further research, however, is needed to explore the theoretical construction of China's new-type urbanization. The paper summarizes the development process of China's urbanization and points out its characteristics, which includes peri-urbanization, special national conditions, complicated factors and governance system. China's urbanization makes a great contribution to the world. Moreover, the literature demonstrates the significance of urbanization to the discipline of human and economic geography and the scientific connotations of new-type urbanization, which refers to peiple-oriented, harmonious, inclusive and sustainable. Under the background of the humanism transformation, new-type urbanization should transform from population urbanization to people-oriented urbanization. There are six crucial scientific issues: people-oriented urbanization and equalization of basic public services, urbanization with integrated and coordinated development of urban and rural, urbanization in the context of resources and environment carrying capability and climate change, diverse regional modes, spatial effect and mechanism, as well as big data and innovation of technical methods. The paper makes efforts to illustrate a framework of China's new-type urbanization connotation, which provides references for theoretical research and policy formulation.

改革开放以来,中国快速城镇化既推动经济社会大发展,也面临巨大挑战。跨学科视野下,围绕城镇化问题的争论和持续研究对国家新型城镇化规划产生重要影响,也标志着中国城镇化方向的重大调整。但对中国特色新型城镇化的科学认知和理论挖掘仍不充分。本文归纳了中国城镇化发展的简要历程,指出半城镇化、特殊国情、复杂因素及治理体系交织的中国城镇化特征,阐明了中国城镇化对世界的巨大贡献,论述作为最显著的人文空间过程的城镇化对人文与经济地理学的学科意义,并解读了新型城镇化认知与建构的4个方面理论内涵：人本性、协同性、包容性和可持续性。伴随结构主义向人本主义发展理念的转变,新型城镇化应逐步实现从“人口城镇化”到“人的城镇化”的转变,其中有6个关键议题：人的城镇化与基本公共服务均等化、城镇化城乡综合过程与协同研究、资源环境承载与气候变化适应下的城镇化、多样化区域模式、城镇化人文社会空间效应及机制、大数据与技术方法创新。本文尝试构建中国特色的新型城镇化理论内涵的认知框架,以期为新型城镇化理论研究和政策实践提供借鉴。