基于行动者网络理论的乡村绅士化演化过程与机制解析——以广西巴马盘阳河流域为例
Evolution process and mechanism of rural gentrification based on actor-network theory: A case study of Panyang River Basin of Bama County, Guangxi
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收稿日期: 2021-08-18 修回日期: 2022-01-25
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Received: 2021-08-18 Revised: 2022-01-25
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作者简介 About authors
谭华云(1981-), 女, 湖南东安人, 博士, 副教授, 研究方向为旅游地理与乡村地理。E-mail:
乡村绅士化是城乡要素双向流动背景下乡村转型与振兴的新型路径。基于对广西巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化现象的历时性田野调查,采用行动者网络理论解析乡村绅士化演化的过程、类型与机制。研究表明:在巴马盘阳河流域乡村人类行动者与非人类行动者、“草根”行动者与机构行动者共同缔结的行动者网络的转换过程中,伴随关键行动者从“候鸟人”先锋、屯社精英向地方政府、投资开发商的更替,乡村绅士化路径从“草根”绅士化向机构绅士化演替,乡村产业从接待“候鸟人”、发展旅游转向大健康产业融合发展,乡村绅士化类型从单一的舒适移民绅士化向舒适移民、旅游和地产共构的“一地多类”绅士化演化。关键行动者更替及其功能角色转换、绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替与融合发展、宏观乡村发展制度与地域自然人文环境共同作用于乡村绅士化的阶段演替与类型共生。行动者网络理论与方法利于呈现乡村绅士化的阶段演替脉络与共生演化特征,并揭示乡村绅士演化的一般机制与地域机制。
关键词:
Rural gentrification is a new path for rural transformation and revitalization under the background of two-way flow of urban and rural elements. This paper analyzes the evolution process, type and mechanism of rural gentrification based on actor-network theory (ANT) based on a diachronic field survey of rural gentrification in the Panyang River Basin of Bama County, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. The following results were obtained. (1) The evolution of rural gentrification is a dynamic actor-network jointly established by human and non-human actors, "grass-roots" actors and institutional actors. The evolution of rural gentrification has experienced a transition from initial to development stage, which has brought a series of changes. The key actors are replaced from the "amenity immigrants" pioneer and local elites to local governments and investment developers, while the OPP (obligatory passage point) has changed from "developing 'migratory bird' tourism and building a longevity village" to "developing comprehensive health industry and building a global longevity town". The path succession of rural gentrification changes from "grass-roots" gentrification to institutional gentrification with the replacement of key actors from "amenity immigrants" pioneers, and the rural gentrified industry has changed from receiving amenity migrants and developing tourism to the integrated development of comprehensive health industry. The gentrification type has evolved from "amenity immigration oriented" to "tourism oriented" and "real estate oriented", and finally formed a mixed rural gentrification pattern of "multiple types in one place". (2) Factors such as the replacement of key actors along with their roles and functions, the path succession of rural gentrification, the replacement and integrated development of leading industry, China's macro rural development system, as well as the regional natural and cultural environment, which jointly affect the stage succession and type symbiosis of rural gentrification. The replacement of key actors along with their roles and functions transformation dominates the stage succession of rural gentrification, while the path succession of rural gentrification as well as the replacement and integrated development of leading industry, which jointly promotes the evolution type of rural gentrification, is the general mechanism of rural gentrification evolution. At present, China's rural macro development strategy (Beautiful Countryside Construction, Targeted Poverty Alleviation and Rural Revitalization) and basic institutional arrangements (rural land collective ownership, homestead system, and regional development dominated by the local government) as well as the regional natural and cultural environment (unique healthy geographical environment, and "migratory immigrants" healthy geographical dependence, combined with the actors' power balance under the comprehensive action comprised by "Bama complex", the Zhuang clan power and the rural nostalgia) shapes the symbiotic characteristics of evolution type, which is the regional mechanism of rural gentrification evolution. (3) Actor-network theory (ANT) is a conducive method to show the stage succession context and symbiotic characteristics of evolution type, and reveal the general mechanism and regional mechanism of rural gentrification evolution.
Keywords:
本文引用格式
谭华云, 周国华.
TAN Huayun, ZHOU Guohua.
1 引言
绅士化(Gentrification)概念诞生于西方城市,乡村是极具生命力的绅士化研究空间[1],乡村绅士化是西方乡村重构与复兴的重要路径[2]。20世纪末,Parsons[3]、Phillips[4]、Smith[5]将中产阶级迁居英国城郊引致的乡村物质景观和社会空间重构的现象与过程定义为乡村绅士化(Rural Gentrification),即生发于逆城市化背景的古典乡村绅士化,其主要特征体现为中产阶层为绅士主体、永久/半永久移居的流动节律和亲近自然的田园生活方式。随后,Ghose[6]和Hines[7]捕捉到为体验本真生活的美国中产阶层迁居落基山脉生产出后工业文化空间的乡村绅士化现象。在21世纪以来的“时空压缩”“全球乡村”发展背景下,西方舒适/生活方式移民、退休移民、季节性移民、旅游/休闲消费移民、第二居所移民等多类人群[8],在西班牙滨海和文遗村庄[9,10]、阿尔卑斯山村[11]、意大利托斯卡纳文艺乡坊[12]、苏格兰教区庄园[13]、美国东北滨海渔村[14]、南美厄瓜多尔比尔卡班巴长寿谷[15]、印尼巴厘岛乌布村[16]、俄罗斯莫斯科城郊[17]、土耳其文旅村落[18]等拥有舒适自然环境或特色乡土文化的地域,进行“流动的家”生活实践,契合了全球范围的乡村复兴和旅游开发,形成了不同于古典绅士化的以多元绅士群体、季节性流动或周期性循环的、且更具消费意涵为主要特征的乡村绅士化。
西欧和北美是乡村绅士化现象发生和理论研究的发源地与中心地[19],研究聚焦于概念内涵、过程特征、机理解释、影响效应与政策导向等主题,提出了绅士化演化的“蝶变”理论,拓展了绅士化机理解释的“资本供给决定论”和“文化需求决定论”,深化了绅士化影响的“失所”理论。Nelson[20]、Phillips等[21,22]关注乡村绅士化发生条件和影响机理的文化语境与地域差异,并结合时间节律、地理尺度及地域特征展开了理论探索与比较研究。① 乡村绅士化概念从狭义趋向广义,表现为绅士主体多元化、流动节律差异化与诱发情境复杂化。一些学者从诱发机制和流动节律视角,提出了旅游型乡村绅士化[12]、农业绅士化[13]、季节性乡村绅士化[18]等新概念。② 乡村绅士化表征与其发展阶段关联,一般表征为人口、经济、社会及景观的变迁与重构[1, 3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,15]。Smith以“绅士化蝶变”隐喻英国希布登桥区乡村社会空间变迁过程及阶段特征:绅士化“先锋”进入衰落乡村(“虫蛹”),开展生态DIY(“毛虫”),称为DIY绿色绅士化;富裕群体迁入,金融资本与商业机构主导“绅士化”住宅供给和“乡村性”商品生产(“蝴蝶”),即机构绅士化[5]。③ 乡村绅士化机理解释受特定地域时空系统影响,围绕资本供给决定论和文化需求决定论展开[19,20,21]。发生在北半球、后现代社会背景下的生态、旅游、休闲、生活方式导向的乡村绅士化现象,倾向于文化需求端解释:绅士人群逃离城市,在山水田园、长寿山谷、荒野之境,以其文化审美和消费需求,实践“乌托邦”生活,形成“绅士化”的建筑景观风格与文化生活方式[6-7, 9, 15,16,17,18]。农业发展和文遗开发等产业发展领域的乡村绅士化倾向资本供给端解释:绅士人群以经济文化资本掠夺乡村资源控制权和乡村发展话语权,乡村空间日愈绅士化、商品化[10, 13, 23]。Nelson指出乡村绅士化因果机制与地理尺度关联,中小尺度的乡村绅士化更受文化需求因素影响,而“星球”绅士化的本质是资本流动引致的地理空间不平衡发展,跨尺度比较研究印证了绅士化资本供给说和文化需求说的互补(通常表现为竞争)[20]。④ 乡村绅士化影响具有“双刃剑”效应,研究倾向批判性视角,关注主客冲突、空间隔离、文化失真、原住民边缘化等负面影响[4, 6, 9-11, 13, 17-18, 22],“失所”尤最[6, 10-11, 18, 22]。Phillips对英格兰9个绅士化村庄的实证研究表明,“失所”是一个多维概念,不仅涉及住房,还关联就业条件、服务获取机会,以及空间的实践、意义和情感[22]。但Simard认为加拿大魁北克乡村绅士化的正负效应较为平衡,“失所”不被认为是一个主要问题[24]。而Kocabyk等认为土耳其安纳托利亚山区小镇3类季节性绅士群体(第二居所移民、学生、游客)在流动周期、生活节律和嵌入情境等方面各有不同,引致的绅士化结果亦有差异[18]。在全球乡村衰败的背景下,乡村绅士化因其为乡村提供人口发展要素[12]、推进乡村产业结构调整[5, 7]、增加社区发展韧性[14]和促进乡村多功能发展[9, 15]等积极效应,被纳入西方乡村复兴的公共政策体系[2, 20]。
当前中国进入城乡关系变革与乡村转型发展的关键时期,政府主导的美丽乡村与特色小镇建设、脱贫攻坚与乡村振兴战略衔接,市场推动的资本下乡与物资流通,社会作用下的舒适移民、回归田园、返乡创业、艺术乡建,共同推动城乡“逆向流动”,乡村绅士化是中国城乡要素双向流动的必然的逻辑结果[25]。中国乡村绅士化主要萌发于东部都市的城中村[26,27]、城郊[28,29,30,31]和西南民族地区的梯田之乡[32]、异域古镇[33]和长寿之乡[34,35],具有明显的周期循环和季节性流动节律[35]。东部乡村绅士化生发于方便通勤的城中村和城郊村,由年轻的中产阶层主导,进程较快。西部乡村绅士化萌发于具有特色文化景观和健康地理环境的边远乡村,由旅游、退休人群和康养人群诱发,进程较缓。中国乡村绅士化是一种现实存在、尚未纳入政策实践的乡村转型发展路径,研究从初探趋向活跃,主要是引入概念理论并对城市化[26,27]、乡村振兴战略[29]、文旅产业[28, 30-32]和生活方式、舒适移民[33,34,35]驱动的乡村绅士化的过程表征、形成机制与影响效应进行实证研究[36,37]。中国乡村绅士化的制度背景、动力结构及影响效应具有独特性[36,37],与西方乡村绅士化引致的“失所”现象形成鲜明对比的是,中国农村土地集体所有制下,拥有长期宅基地使用权的村民主动寻租,是乡村绅士化的推动者[26,27,28,29,30,31,32,33,34,35]。
绅士化理论高度依赖于时空情境及其隐含的因果条件[38],针对全球范围的乡村绅士化现象呈现出的人群多元、流动复杂、类型多元的演变特征,Nelson呼吁对不同流动节律、地理尺度的乡村绅士化展开比较研究[20],López-Morales提出全球南方乡村绅士化研究应该摆脱西方理论束缚,培育出更具发展性的乡村绅士化理论[19]。中西乡村发展阶段、土地制度、治理结构和恋地文化不同[2],且中国地域类型多元,东西部乡村绅士化现象及其演变的地域环境和诱发动力不同,嵌入中国制度文化背景和地域环境特征的乡村绅士化的现象解释和理论建构,尤为必要。广西巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村,持续吸引城市人群前来旅游旅居,不断吸引政策资源和市场资本卷入,演化出“一地多类”的乡村绅士化现象。从演化过程与演化结果而言,都不同于经历了“绅士化蝶变”的英国城郊[5]和从艺术先锋绅士化向学生化演替的广州小洲村[26]。本文以广西巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村为案例地,解析中国西部民族地区乡村绅士化演化的过程与机制,为乡村绅士化演化的规律揭示提供中国案例借鉴,也为中国特别是西部地区乡村转型与振兴提供政策启示。
2 行动者网络视角下的乡村绅士化演化的分析框架
行动者网络理论(Actor-network Theory, ANT)将能通过制造差别而改变事物状态的人类和非人类因素视为广义平等的行动者[39],纳入统一的行动解释框架。行动者通过行动构建网络的动态过程被定义为转译(Translation),行动者的角色功能和价值定位在转译中发生变化与重新定义。转译分析包括问题呈现(Problematisation)、利益赋予(Interessment)、征召(Enrolment)、动员(Mobilization)及排除异议(Dissidence)等5个阶段[39]。问题呈现是指关键行动者将各类行动者关注的对象问题化,使之成为网络联盟的必经之点(Obligatory Passage Point, OPP)( 国内学者通常将OPP译为“强制通行点”或“必经之点”,但“必经之点”更贴近行动者网络理论意涵。);利益赋予需要行动者之间通过各种策略取得共识,并建立稳定关系;征召与动员是行动者被吸引或被游说而加入联盟,被赋予任务并开展行动,关键行动者成为联盟的代言人;异议指向ANT网络的转化或解体。转译环节相互嵌套,并不完全依序展开[39]。行动者通过转译缔结网络,ANT网络的本质是一种描述事物发展的工具,而不是事物本身,强调工作、交互和变化的过程,是一个“动态网络”[39]。转译与ANT网络分析遵循问题呈现—利益赋予—征召—动员—缔结行动者网络—异议—行动者网络稳定、转换、解体的逻辑链条(图1)。
图1
图1
ANT视角的乡村绅士化演化的分析框架
Fig. 1
An analytical framework of the evolution of rural gentrification from the perspective of ANT
乡村越来越被理解为一个混合的、关系性的复杂空间[40,41,42],乡村与外部环境的相互作用决定了乡村的发展与演变,乡村振兴需要区域内外的行动者之间的合作[43]。ANT关系思维与关系地理学空间观契合[44],成为研究乡村空间复杂性和特殊性的一种有效的方法论与概念工具[45,46,47]。Phillips认为乡村绅士化现象的混合性、动态性与复杂性贴近“转译社会学”,“转译”可以同时纳入个案特殊发现和关系比较策略,在乡村绅士化的概念辨析、实证研究和比较研究上具有方法适宜性[21, 48-49]:借助“转译”思维,解释逆城市化和乡村绅士化与其所涉的学术对象以及公共话语之间的关系,比较逆城市化和乡村绅士化的概念关联与本质区别[48];在对英格兰东米德兰兹郡一个绅士化村庄的人与自然的关系的实证研究中,强调了非人类行动者情感的存在及其表征的重要性,阐述非人类行动者如何以其能动性和生态位嵌入并作用于人类乡村生活和迁移决策过程,从而创造了巴洛克式的乡村性(Baroque Rurality)和自然[49];以“转译”方法解析英、美、法三国乡村绅士化的因果机制和政策导向如何与其地理环境关联[21]。
3 案例地概况与数据获取
3.1 案例地概况
巴马瑶族自治县地处广西西北,拥有特殊的健康地理环境和长寿文化资源(② 健康地理环境:舒适气温(平均20.4 ℃),小分子团六环(70~80 Hz)弱碱性(PH 7.5~8.5)水,高空气负离子(20000~30000个/cm³),适宜地磁强度(约45500~50000 nT),远红外线阳光(波长4~14 μm)和富硒土壤(> 0.4 mg/kg)。长寿养生资源:长寿遗传基因,长寿生活方式,壮瑶医药资源,敬神祭祖仪式,敬老孝老文化。),是集国家重点生态功能区、滇黔桂石漠化片区、国家全域旅游示范区于一体的世界长寿之乡。盘阳河流域(③盘阳河流域,有广域与狭域之分,本文的案例地指狭域的盘阳河流域范围。狭域的盘阳河流域指巴马县境内从百魔屯百魔洞口至甘水屯盘阳河漂流起点的流经区域,总面积30 km2,由北向南流,上游、中游是明河,下游有明河和暗河,沿河分布的坡月村、平安村、松吉村、甲篆村、百马村和拉高村等6个行政村,隶属于甲篆镇。另,巴马将自然村称为“屯”,由数个屯共同构成“村”,即行政村。)是国家4A级旅游景区,沿河聚居着长寿怡然的壮族屯落(属甲篆镇,2018年被评为广西首批康养小镇),是巴马长寿养生旅游资源和商业生活资源最为集聚的区域[50,51](图2)。巴马探索出“‘候鸟人’(④ 当地人和媒体将每年到巴马季节性旅游和长居生活的康养人群(中老年人群和身体欠健康的群体)称呼为“候鸟人”,是一种暂时或永久迁移到象征更好生活质量的自然环境舒适或人文价值突出(或者二者兼具)的目的地流动现象,一般被定义为舒适移民。“候鸟人”在巴马健康舒适生活环境实践健康美好生活,适宜舒适移民概念,一些研究采用生活方式移民、季节性移民、健康移民等概念。)旅游稳定增长带动观光旅游快速增长”的发展模式,2005年巴马旅游接待量仅10.6万人次,“候鸟人”约5万人次;2019年巴马旅游接待量达825.85万人次,“候鸟人”约14万人次,其中长居型(6个月以上)“候鸟人”约3万人次。巴马特殊的健康地理环境、舒适宜人的气候、较低成本的田园乡居与不断滋长的“候鸟人”生活氛围,持续吸引中国北方和东部、中部的康养人群和退休人士前来季节性旅游与长居生活[50,51]。受新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情防控和“候鸟人”回归潮影响,“候鸟人”规模反复起伏,整体大幅收缩。疫情给巴马大健康产业发展带来负面影响的同时,也刺激康养旅居需求,高端养生住宅(坡月世纪养生花园和巴盘中脉养生秘境等)的售价由约16000元/m2(2019年11月)上涨到约22000/m2(2021年5月)。长寿乡村社会空间从封闭、单一、均质转向开放、多元、异质,发展成本地人、“候鸟人”和旅游者的混居社区,是绅士化历程较长、绅士化主体和诱发动力多元的乡村区域[50,51],便于呈现乡村绅士化演化的过程与类型。
图2
图2
广西巴马盘阳河流域区位
Fig. 2
The location of Panyang river basin, Bama county, Guangxi
3.2 数据收集
数据主要源于3个阶段的田野调查。第一阶段:以实地调研为主,辅以文献阅读,确定研究主题,于2016年8月和9月、2018年1月和10月先后4次进入巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村,在参与式观察和开放式访谈中,获取“候鸟人生活”和乡村社会生活空间的直观印象,通过对一手数据的编码分析,结合文献阅读,确定乡村绅士化演化的研究主题。第二阶段,通过田野调查系统收集数据。于2019年1月和7月、2020年7月深入案例地,对“候鸟人”、基层政府、地方政府、屯社精英、屯民、投资开发商、经营户与大众游客进行半结构式访谈,内容依据调研对象类别有所侧重(表1);走访巴马县旅游发展委员会、甲篆镇政府与行政村村部,收集政府工作报告、文件、年鉴、规划和统计数据;关注“旅居微生活”“蓝色纽带联合会”等微信公众号和部分“候鸟人”的微博、微信,补充信息。第三阶段,于2021年5月回访案例地,检验研究结果,修正研究内容。
表1 访谈对象与访谈重点
Tab. 1
访谈对象 | 人数(人) | 访谈重点 |
---|---|---|
“候鸟人” | 24 | “候鸟人”健康状况与旅游动机,日常生活与社会融入,乡村社会空间变迁,重访及推介意愿 |
“候鸟人”组织负责人 | 4 | “候鸟人”概况,“候鸟人”公益组织运营,乡村社会空间变迁 |
基层政府、县市政府 | 13 | 巴马旅游发展历程,“候鸟旅游”,大健康产业发展,乡村社会空间变迁,乡村发展 |
屯社精英、屯民 | 10 | 乡村生计,乡村生活质量,“候鸟旅游”对日常生活的影响,主客关系,邻里生活,人地情感 |
投资开发商 | 3 | 项目开发、投资与运营,与当地政府、社区的关系 |
经营户 | 5 | 经营业态,消费构成,“候鸟旅游”发展现状与趋势 |
大众游客 | 10 | 巴马印象,康养体验,重游及推介意愿 |
4 巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化演化的过程及类型
4.1 演化过程
乡村绅士化演变是一个延续、嬗变、复合的过程,没有明确的过渡节点,演化分析的意义用于确定是否完成“蝶变”或趋向异化[5]。参照Smith对英国城郊“绅士化蝶变”[5]和何深静等对广州小洲村绅士化发展历程[26]遵循的绅士群体更替与绅士化路径变迁的阶段划分依据,并结合旅游发展背景和大事件,将巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化发展历程分为形成(1994—2012年)和发展(2013年至今)两个阶段。1994年约有3000位中老年群体受百魔洞长寿环境吸引,延长居停时间,实践巴马长寿生活方式。伴随“候鸟人”规模的持续扩大,坡月村百魔屯、坡月街道、足拉屯与平安村巴盘屯4个屯落(街区)小产权房模式盛行(⑤合作建房:屯民出宅基地,“候鸟人”与外来商人出资,农民获得几十万元的补偿,建成后二/三楼以下给屯民住,其余楼层老板经营30年,向养生者租售使用权,30年后整栋楼归属屯民。),出现散点状的、嵌入式的绅士化的社会生活空间,形成自下而上的“草根力量”主导的乡村绅士化。2013年巴马长寿养生国际旅游区确立(2019年升级为巴马国际长寿养生旅游胜地)。2015年中国—东盟传统医药健康旅游国际论坛永久落户巴马。大型商业资本陆续进驻核心地段,开发高端养生小区,“候鸟人”居住生活空间扩散至盘阳河流域全域,进入自上而下的商业资本与权力机构主导的绅士化发展阶段。
4.1.1 乡村绅士化形成
(1)行动者构成。在巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化伊始时,人类行动者主要包括“候鸟人”(舒适移民)、屯社精英(村民小组成员、致富能人与宗族理事会)与普通屯民、基层政府(甲篆镇政府、行政村村委)、经营户、大众游客等;非人类行动者主要包括健康地理环境、长寿文化资源、土地资源、屯落住宅等。
(2)转译。问题呈现与利益赋予。行动者会遭遇各类问题或障碍:① 基层政府,巴马盘阳河流域是典型的老少边穷区域,传统农业生产资源贫弱,缺乏工业生产资源与商贸经营条件,长年深陷“喀斯特贫困”之境。② 屯社精英与屯民,受限于交通闭塞、设施落后、经营知识与经验匮乏等多种因素,屯社精英开发旅游景区,成效甚差;屯民家庭收入少,发展机会少,生活质量差。③ 资源环境,世界级的长寿地理环境和兼具民族特色的长寿文化资源被简单开发与低效利用,缺乏能匹配资源价值的资本投入与保护开发。④ 经营户,甲篆镇、坡月村的集贸市场和街道商铺主要服务农业生产与生活消费,获利微薄。⑤“候鸟人”,被健康地理环境与长寿生活方式吸引而来,但简陋的人居环境和游憩空间难以实现舒适居养需求。⑥ 大众游客,交通可达性差,旅游设施少,康养体验单一。
对解决自身问题诉求最大的行动者,最有可能成为引导行动者网络建立的关键行动者[47],关键行动者通常由人类行动者来担当。将绅士化置于特定时空场域,便于精准识别关键行动者。来巴马寻求健康舒适生活环境过美好生活的“候鸟人”(不乏重症患者)是长寿乡村绅士化的始作俑者。屯社精英自然成为健康地理环境和长寿文化资源的代言人,赋能资源环境成为行动者。“候鸟人”先锋和屯社精英汇聚其他行动者遭遇的问题和障碍,形成“发展‘候鸟’旅游、共建长寿之乡”的必经之点(OPP),以破解乡村发展落后、生活质量低、产业效益差、资源低价值利用与旅游旅居体验差等问题(图3)。“候鸟人”先锋和屯社精英起着诱发和主导作用,成为关键行动者。
图3
图3
乡村绅士化形成阶段的行动者与必经之点(OPP)
Fig. 3
The actors and OPP in the formation stage of rural gentrification
征召与动员。共建长寿之乡是一个长寿资源活化和宜居社区营造的过程。关键行动者试图通过OPP愿景,响应和协调各类行动者的利益诉求。各类行动者在征召与被征召的利益协商与行动联结中得以明确角色并委派任务的同时,调动资源,实施行动,响应任务。“候鸟人”先锋和屯社精英上升为整个网络的代言人,协同各类行动资源,以形成较为稳定的利益联结和互动机制。征召与动员(行动响应)的具体形式包括:① 资源环境征召与动员:巴马凭借健康地理环境、长寿生活方式与山水田园聚落,征召旅游者和“候鸟人”来此旅游旅居。巴马长寿现象也征召国内外医疗科研机构和老年协会前来调研取证,日本国际自然医学会历经8次实地考察,于2003年授予巴马“世界第五长寿乡”牌匾,赋予巴马“世界长寿之乡、中国人瑞圣地”的名望。② 市场征召与动员:“候鸟人”先锋代表的中小商业资本伺机与坡月村的百魔屯、坡月街道、足拉屯和平安村巴盘屯的屯社精英合建小产权房,经营养生公寓,示范带动其他农户参与经营;集贸市场和街铺经济日渐繁荣,生活消费业态兴起,形成了基础的“候鸟人”居养空间与生活服务供给。③ 社会征召与动员:央视等权威媒体对巴马长寿现象的专题纪录片报道,极大提升了巴马长寿之乡的知名度。“候鸟人”先锋开辟了简易的盘阳河游憩小道和小广场。④ 行政征召与动员:坡纳屯的党员小组自发改建住房,开设餐厅和旅馆。新农村建设背景下,村镇积极向县政府申请村庄规划支持,协调免息贷款兴建联排乡村别墅,创建旅游扶贫示范屯。
(3)行动者网络。ANT网络的联系有强有弱、契合或冲突、连续或间歇,契合的强联系维系网络的稳定性,冲突的强联系指向行动者重组与网络演化。关键行动者与其他行动者的联系通常是强联系,关键行动者之外的行动者的联结属于间歇或临时的弱联系。
在巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化形成阶段的ANT网络中(图4),强联系在破解“喀斯特发展困境”“旅游旅居环境差”两大核心问题上起着关键作用,决定行动者网络的基本特征。①“候鸟人”和长寿资源环境形成动态、复杂的强关系,“候鸟人”天人合一的康养活动,为健康地理和长寿资源赋能。一定规模的“候鸟人”生活垃圾被大自然消融,随着“候鸟人”规模化涌入,“候鸟人”日常生活垃圾也带了环境压力。②“候鸟人”与屯社街区经济利益契合,存在生活冲突。“候鸟人”或以房租分享屯民“家空间”,或与屯民合建小产权房,经营养生公寓;“候鸟人”消费带动集贸市场、街铺摊贩经济的复兴和繁荣,集贸市场从“五天一圩”发展为“三天一圩”,功能面向从满足本地人生产生活转向“候鸟人”生活。主客冲突来自生活间隙、买卖习惯和观念差异。③“候鸟人”与旅游者的联系是一种临时(在游览场所的短暂相遇)或潜在的强联系(旅游者受“候鸟人”现象吸引,前往体验)。④ 屯社精英与长寿资源环境具有持久、契合的强联系。屯社精英世居巴马健康地理环境,活态传承巴马长寿生活方式,是巴马长寿资源环境的代言人。⑤ 屯社精英和经营户及屯民保持契合的强联系,屯社精英与经营户角色交织,带动屯民参与旅游经营与接待服务。
图4
图4
乡村绅士形成阶段的行动者网络
Fig. 4
The actor-network of the formation stage of rural gentrification
异议主要源自“候鸟人”与基层政府的间歇性、冲突性的强联系(图4)。“候鸟人”旅居加大了基层政府社会管理压力。失控的小产权房建设,缺乏规划的村屯发展和滞后的公共设施供给,生产出“握手楼”住宅、“空中蜘蛛网”电线、纵横裸露的自来水管等“村中城”景观[35, 50]。破坏了山水田园与屯落建筑的和谐之美,亦存消防隐患。在“候鸟人”先锋和屯社精英乐享“候鸟人”经济利益的背后,基层政府不仅需要承担额外的公共管理服务与社会治理职责,还承担着因违章建筑、“村中城”景象、局部环境污染而被上层政府批评和通报的行政压力,权益与义务失衡。此外,巴马原生性的生活方式开始转变,因不愿被“凝视”和惶恐重症“候鸟人”传染,裸浴日渐退出屯民休闲生活场景。“村中城”景象、官民利益冲突、生活场景“异化”指向ANT网络的演化。
4.1.2 乡村绅士化发展
(1)行动者的变化。乡村绅士化形成阶段的ANT网络中的基础设施与公共服务供给、“候鸟人”经济发展、“村中城”景象与长寿生活景观“异化”等异议,需要强有力的机构来统筹协调与规范管理,带来“康养旅游产业升级,打造世界长寿之乡”的新议题。在美丽乡村、特色小镇建设和精准扶贫战略背景下,地方政府凭借行政资源与行动影响,招募投资开发商进入行动者网络,主导大健康经济融合发展。伴随地方政府与投资开发商关键行动者角色的确立,行动者网络的目标意图也随之发生转变,引起新的行动者的进入与异议行动者的退出或角色转变(图5)。“候鸟人”先锋和中小资本的经济影响力减弱,社会文化影响力增强。“候鸟人”在巴马旅居,建构出开放、流动且更有生命力的巴马长寿生活方式与疗愈景观,赋予巴马长寿养生景观更多人文意涵与鲜活的生命力[51],成为健康地理环境之外,巴马康养旅游和旅居生活的辅助吸引物。
图5
(2)新的转译。问题呈现与利益赋予。伴随行动者及其角色的变化,其面临的问题/障碍随之发生变化(图5):① 地方政府,“如何守护青山绿水,做足世界寿乡文章”成为地方政府主政巴马的重要议题。② 屯社精英与屯民,中低端康养住宅空间急剧扩张带来低价竞争和客房空置的问题。③ 资源环境,随着游客和“候鸟人”规模的急剧扩张,巴马长寿乡村被贴上“长寿天堂”“癌症村”的双重标签,面临低端无序开发、生态压力剧增、文化原真性流失的问题。④ 开发商与经营户,开发商面临交通区位差、基础设施弱、投资风险大的难题,经营户面临无序经营和低价竞争困境。⑤“候鸟人”,现有的游憩空间和居养环境难以适应“候鸟人”康养需求,重症“候鸟人”遭遇“癌症村”污名困扰。⑥ 大众游客,随着国内旅游环境优化和消费转型升级,巴马旅游依然面临可达性差、配套设施不足和旅游环境差等问题。地方政府联合投资开发商提出“发展大健康经济,打造世界寿乡”的必经之点(OPP),以破解“村中城”景象、“癌症村”污名、景观“异化”、“候鸟旅游”经济带动不足等发展困境。
征召与动员。作为关键行动者的地方政府和投资开发商上升为整个网络的代言人,新的征召与动员形式如下:① 行政征召与动员:地方政府以行政资源与权力关系引导县域大健康经济发展,引进大型资本投资开发文旅、地产与康养综合体项目,支持屯社精英创建乡村旅游示范点,通过重点村屯规划、污水处理、市政管理和绿道建设等举措推进基础设施供给与公共服务提升。征召国家部委和广西壮族自治区政府,以编制规划、定点帮扶、项目等形式帮扶巴马发展旅游、康养、生态产业。2019年全国两会期间,习近平总书记在听取广西工作汇报时,特别指示巴马以长寿文化和生态优势发展生态、康养和旅游产业。② 市场征召:巴马盘阳河流域康养产业长期经营低端业态,亟须打造低中高端业态体系,巴马国际长寿旅游胜地、广西大健康产业龙头基地与深圳——巴马大健康合作特别试验区“三大定位”战略下,中脉集团、华昱三生集团、原乡旅郡集团等多家投资开发商进驻,投资旅游资源、水资源、康养地产和有机农业开发,发展“三产融合”的大健康经济。③ 资源环境征召与动员:长寿资源环境征召政府、企业与社区,建设长寿旅游胜地和全域旅游区。被符号化和景观化的百岁老人,征召旅游者和“候鸟人”前来探访的同时,也征召科研机构与商业机构研究巴马长寿现象,研发、生产、运营长寿产品。④ 社会征召与动员:坡纳、坡莫、平安屯等更多的村屯积极参与乡村旅游接待。沿河各村组和宗族理事会坚守庙堂祭祀活动,维系庙堂祭祀、宗族聚会、议事及屯社事务管理功能,形成抱团文化和宗族势力。“国际候鸟人”“蓝色纽带”等“候鸟人”社团,定期开展志愿者活动,捐赠屯社公共设施建设,参与屯社治理。
(3)行动者网络的转换。地方政府和投资开发商与其他行动者的强联系,决定了巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村绅士化演化的行动者网络的格局特征(图6)。① 地方政府与投资开发商是一种利益契合的强联系。地方政府通过建设乡村排污系统、开展环境整治工程、完善公共基础设施等措施优化产业发展环境。投资开发商启动坡月国际健康小镇建设,发展高端康养业态。② 地方政府与屯社精英及屯民维持利益共生的强关系,地方政府通过旅游扶贫、争创示范项目、金融创新等政策工具引领社区发展康养旅游经济,打造扶贫示范村。③ 地方政府与“候鸟人”社团形成了治理型的强联系,“蓝色纽带”和“国际候鸟人协会”建设工会和党支部组织,成为地方政府联系“候鸟人”的纽带,舒缓了“候鸟人”旅居对乡村社会的治理压力。④ 地方政府与长寿资源环境形成共生关系,地方政府直面商业机构“神话”巴马和媒体“污名”巴马(对巴马“癌症村”“环境污染”的失实报道和传播),邀请多家媒体集体实地走访,真实客观报道巴马长寿现象与旅游开发后的环境影响,为巴马正名。⑤ 投资开发商与“候鸟人”是一种复杂的强关系。投资开发商开建的高端养生住宅在满足部分“候鸟人”高端舒适居养需求的同时,也挤占了其它“候鸟人”的生态游憩空间。⑥ 投资开发商与经营户是一种复杂的强关系。投资开发商主导乡村业态高端发展,客观上会排斥和冲击中小资本的商业模式和盈利空间。但投资开发商的进驻,能带动巴马大健康经济发展,中小商业资本需要找准商业空间投资经营。
乡村绅士化发展阶段的异议主要聚焦于环境整治和大健康经济发展(图6)。地方政府在环境友好行为系统和资源价值提升工程的实施过程中的失当举措,引起其他行动者异议。2019年甲篆镇坡月片区开始筹建5A级国际康养小镇,需要整体拆除百魔屯—坡月街—足拉屯一带的“两违”建筑,牵扯到的小产权房补偿赔付问题引发了“候鸟人”对巴马政府的信任危机与对话冲突。随后,囿于一户一宅的农村宅基地制度、脱贫攻坚成效巩固并衔接乡村振兴战略实施背景以及新型冠状病毒肺炎疫情下大健康经济发展的不确定性增加的情境,巴马地方政府对大规模的、复杂利益关系的小产权违建房的整体拆除计划,因缺乏足够的行政力量和财政资源,只能暂且搁置,矛盾冲突得以暂缓。大健康业态升级和土地升值也变相驱逐了中低消费能力的“候鸟人”。此外,长寿资源“污名”和康养景观“异化”问题难以根治。环境整治、业态升级、资源“污名”和景观“异化”等异议指向网络变化的趋向。
图6
图6
乡村绅士化发展阶段的行动者网络
Fig. 6
The actor-network of the development stage of rural gentrification
4.2 演化类型
在多类行动者的行动联系与利益转译下,巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士演化过程中的行动主体多元,绅士化主体、路径和表征趋向分化,出现了乡村绅士化类型的演化和分化。绅士化衍生概念与类型划分并无统一依据,陈培阳从建成环境变化、诱发因素(产业领域)、绅士化群体、迁居机制、生命历程转换视角对西方绅士化研究的类型进行了总结[36]。从主导力量、发生路径、产业领域及主要表征等维度来看,巴马盘阳河流长寿乡村绅士化主体和主导力量从舒适移民先锋、本地精英代表的“草根力量”转向投资开发商和地方政府所代表的机构力量;乡村绅士化路径从“草根”绅士化向机构绅士化演替;乡村主导产业从接待“候鸟人”、发展旅游转向大健康产业融合发展。在乡村绅士化形成阶段,形成了舒适移民绅士化;在绅士化发展阶段,分化出旅游绅士化和地产绅士化(表2),共构了“一地多类”的乡村绅士化现象,具有多元共生特征,而非纯粹演替。
Tab. 2 The process of rural gentrification and the corresponding type characteristics
阶段 | 类型 | 主导力量 | 发生路径 | 产业领域 | 主要表征 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
形成 | 舒适移民 绅士化 | 舒适移民, 屯社精英 | 自下而上 草根绅士化 | 住宅开发带动的“候鸟 人”生活消费 | 混杂嵌入、多散点状的绅士化物质景观空间;人口结构、地方文化与治理日趋“候鸟人化” |
发展 | 旅游绅士化 | 地方政府, 投资开发商 | 自上而下 机构绅士化 | 旅游业带动的康养产业 | 新建的飞地式、团块状的绅士化物质空间;人口结构、地方文化与治理的变迁更为广深 |
地产绅士化 | 地产带动的大健康产业 |
4.2.1 舒适移民乡村绅士化 “候鸟人”先锋在巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化形成阶段的ANT网络中,扮演着诱发者与主导者角色,屯社精英示范带动经营户与小商贩等“草根”阶层力量卷入,驱动村屯人口阶层结构、住宅空间结构、商贸经济、屯社治理和建筑景观的更新与重构,生产出混杂、嵌入、散点状、小规模的绅士化的乡村社会空间[35, 50]。在“候鸟人”季节性旅游与长居生活以及屯民外出务工等因素影响下,长寿乡村常住人口结构与阶层日愈“候鸟人化”。“候鸟人”聚居生活带动农家旅馆经营和养生公寓建设,直接改变了乡村住房结构与居住条件[35, 50],乡村生活空间功能趋向旅游化和混合化,生产出大量的康养游憩空间。“候鸟人”生活消费给乡村发展带来活力,“候鸟人”密集于坡月村,坡月街道商贸规模扩大、业态升级,“甲篆为主、坡月为辅”的传统商贸格局逆转为“坡月为主、甲篆为辅”的新商贸格局[34]。“候鸟人”参与乡村公益,融入屯社发展,成为屯社治理的新力量[50,51]。“候鸟人”居住生活空间嵌入屯社生活空间,干栏式民居与“绅士化”住宅夹杂,住宅空间与商贸空间混杂,俨然“村中城”景象[35, 50]。综上,巴马盘阳河流域上游的坡月村和平安村出现了“候鸟人”诱发、屯社精英推动的“草根”阶层主导的自下而上的、以接待“候鸟人”日常生活与居养消费为产业支撑的乡村绅士化,即舒适移民绅士化(⑥ 文献[29]将城市人群迁入自然资源/文化资源或休闲设施丰富的乡村区域进行季节性旅游(1~6个月)和长居生活实践(6个月以上),从而引致乡村社会空间重构的现象与过程定义为舒适移民型乡村绅士化。)。
4.2.2 旅游绅士化和地产绅士化 在ANT网络的转换中,巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村经历了从自下而上的“草根”绅士化向自上而下的“机构”绅士化的路径演化。地方政府和投资开发商等机构化力量替代舒适移民与屯社经营等“草根力量”,主导乡村绅士化发展进程,乡村社会空间与物质景观发生更为广深的变迁与重构。屯落“候鸟人化”和“老龄化”特征愈加明显。“候鸟人”阶层日益分化,住宅类型多元,家庭旅馆与电梯养生公寓激增,大型品质养生小区发展成舒适移民飞地,坡纳屯、坡莫屯建成田园别墅群[35, 50]。巴马康养经济从分散向集聚式发展,初步形成了多功能农业与健康食品、自然康养与健康科技、旅游服务与康养地产共同构成的大健康产业体系,服务经济与实体经济共生发展。伴随住宅空间和商贸空间的更新与扩张,乡村形成了“村中城”“高端养生飞地”“田园综合体”与“传统壮乡”互混的聚落景观[50,51]。舒适移民赋予乡村空间城市元素和舞台化色彩,屯落文化走向“去地方化”的复兴。在地方政府与投资开发商驱动的自上而下的绅士化路径下,生产出飞地式、团块状的绅士化的乡村社会空间[35, 50],并分化出旅游绅士化和机构绅士化两种类型(表2)。绅士化空间从盘阳河上游扩散到中下游,覆盖盘阳河流域内的6个行政村,形成舒适移民、旅游和地产共构的“一地多类”绅士化现象。
5 乡村绅士化演化机制
在巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村人类行动者与非人类行动者、“草根”行动者与机构行动者共同缔结的行动者网络的转换过程中,伴随关键行动者从“候鸟人”先锋、屯社精英向地方政府、投资开发商的更替,必经之点(OPP)从“发展‘候鸟’旅游、共建长寿之乡”转向“发展大健康产业,打造世界寿乡”。乡村绅士化路径从“草根”绅士化向机构绅士化演替;乡村产业从接待“候鸟人”、发展旅游转向大健康产业融合发展;乡村绅士化类型从形成阶段的单一的舒适移民绅士化向发展阶段的舒适移民、旅游和地产共构的“一地多类”绅士化演化。关键行动者更替及其功能角色转换、绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替与融合发展、宏观乡村发展制度与地域自然人文环境共同作用于乡村绅士化的阶段演替与类型共生。关键行动者更替及其角色功能转换、绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替融合发展主导乡村绅士化的阶段演替与类型演化,是乡村绅士化演化的一般机制。中国现阶段乡村宏观发展战略、基本制度安排和地域自然人文环境(巴马盘阳河流域特殊的健康地理环境、“候鸟人”的健康地理环境依赖与“巴马情结”、壮族宗社力量与恋家恋地文化)综合作用下的行动者权利制衡,形塑出乡村绅士化的共生演化特征,是巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化演化的地域机制(图7)。
图7
5.1 关键行动者更替及其角色功能转换主导乡村绅士化阶段演替
伴随关键行动者从“候鸟人”先锋、本土精英向地方政府、投资开发商的更替,必经之点(OPP)从“发展‘候鸟’旅游、共建长寿之乡”转向“发展大健康产业,打造世界寿乡”,决定ANT网络的目标意图转换与乡村绅士化的阶段演替。在乡村绅士化形成阶段,“候鸟人”先锋起着诱发和主导的双重作用,“候鸟人”先锋以消费者角色入场巴马,给屯社精英带来商机,其在巴马旅居的健康增进效应被放大利用,吸引更多的“候鸟人”和旅游者前来巴马消费,一定程度上破解了乡村发展落后、康养旅游环境差、屯民生活质量低以及资源低价值转化等问题。在乡村绅士化发展阶段,“候鸟人”通过参与小产权房建设、商铺经营和乡村建设,从单一的消费行动者向投资、社会、文化等多个领域的复合行动者的角色转换,虽然不再是长寿乡村绅士化发展的主导力量,但始终是长寿乡村绅士化发展的基底力量。反观乡村绅士化伊始之时,地方政府并未意识到“候鸟人”旅游可能成为乡村转型发展的有效路径。伴随乡村绅士化发展,随之而来的“候鸟旅游”富民不富财政、“村中城”景象、混合乡村社区治理的三重压力,倒逼地方政府遵循市场规律和善治逻辑,以招商、征地、配套等方式与投资开发商形成强合作关系,联合主导旅游、地产、大健康经济运营,生产出“飞地”式的绅士化生活空间;以旅游扶贫、示范项目、金融创新等政策工具与行政资源支持乡村建设和社区发展。
5.2 绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替融合发展推动乡村绅士化类型演化
关键行动者的更替及其功能角色的转换,同样作用于乡村绅士化的路径演化和主导产业发展,进而推动乡村绅士化类型的演化与分化。在“候鸟人”的康养旅居生活需求下,“候鸟人”先锋为代表的中小商业资本和屯社精英等民间力量,自发孕育了小规模渐变的乡村社会空间变迁现象,形成了“草根力量”主导、自下而上的舒适移民乡村绅士化,是巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化的初始类型。伴随中国旅游地设施环境的普遍优化,巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村的住宅空间条件与商业游憩资源难以满足“候鸟人”和旅游者对乡村性与舒适性的双重生活需求;而“村中城”景象、资源环境“污名”、长寿养生景观“异化”等顽疾,都需要政府联合资本与社区力量,逐步形成多元供给与协同治理。地方政府与投资开发商以自下而上的机构力量,将政策、土地、资金、项目等要素引向旅游、康养地产投资领域与重点村屯打造。坡月街和巴盘屯建成高端养生社区,推动乡村居住生活空间品质化、商业化、飞地化发展;坡纳屯、坡莫屯等“候鸟型”屯落发展成为农业观光、旅游休闲、康养度假、亲邻活动于一体的田园综合体。在地方政府和投资开发商强势介入和主导作用下,形成了机构力量主导、自上而下的绅士化路径,舒适移民绅士化朝向旅游化和地产化发展,分化出旅游绅士化和地产绅士化。乡村产业从接待“候鸟人”、发展旅游转向大健康产业融合发展,为舒适移民绅士化向旅游绅士化和地产绅士化演化与交汇提供了产业支撑。
5.3 宏观乡村发展制度和地域自然人文环境形塑乡村绅士化共生演化特征
乡村绅士化是一种嵌入型的空间作用过程,受特定人地关系地域系统影响。巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村绅士化演化受中国宏观乡村发展战略、土地制度和民族区域自然人文环境等时空语境因素影响,利于区域内外行动者、人类与非人类行动者共同发挥作用,形成权利制衡,呈现阶段演替与类型共生的演化特征。在乡村绅士化形成阶段,乡村内源性发展力量不足,外源性的“候鸟人”先锋是乡村绅士化的始作俑者;中国农村土地集体所有制和农户宅基地制度,赋予屯社与外来“绅士”权利协商的制衡力量。在乡村绅士化发展阶段,巴马盘阳河流域本土行动者与外来行动者、“草根”行动者与机构行动者之间权利制衡,形成了“一地多类、共生发展”的乡村绅士化,可归因于地域社会人文环境特征和政府主导乡村发展的制度安排:① 巴马盘阳河流域特殊的健康地理环境、舒适宜人的气候条件、安宁的壮族屯落以及古老的长寿文化,能持续吸引“候鸟人”(不乏重症患者)前来旅居生活,部分“候鸟人”对巴马地理环境形成了健康依赖,形成“巴马情结”,发展出“候鸟人”社团、党支部与工会促进康养小镇发展的坡月模式,赋予舒适移民绅士化强盛的生命力。② 地方政府以行政资源主导乡村发展,统合美丽乡村建设、精准扶贫、乡村振兴战略和大健康经济产业融合发展,生产了资本主导的高端康养旅居飞地,也培育了基层党建带动旅游脱贫的坡纳模式,促进多类行动者共生发展。③ 巴马壮族宗族观念和恋家恋地文化浓厚,宗族文化绵延,屯民抱团发展。百魔屯、坡月街、足拉屯和巴盘屯的大量小产权房的存在,虽然难逾违建的政策法律风险,但一户一宅的农村产权制度保护下,对其整体拆除所需的赔偿资金是地方政府和商业资本打造坡月国际康养小镇绕不过去的难题。抱团的宗社力量与复杂的利益关系,掣制了商业资本在征地开发与产业运营中的强势推进。
6 结论与讨论
6.1 结论
基于对巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化现象的历时性田野调查,以行动者网络理论为方法,解析中国西部民族地区乡村绅士化演化的过程与机制,得到以下结论:
巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化是一个由人类行动者与非人类行动者、“草根”行动者与机构行动者共同缔结的行动者网络。在乡村绅士化形成与发展的ANT网络的转换过程中,关键行动者从“候鸟人”先锋、屯社精英向地方政府、投资开发商更替;必经之点(OPP)从“发展‘候鸟’旅游、共建长寿之乡”转向“发展大健康产业,打造世界寿乡”。乡村绅士化演化经历了形成和发展阶段,在绅士化形成阶段,“草根绅士化”下的舒适移民经济孕育出舒适移民绅士化;在绅士化发展阶段,机构绅士化路径下的大健康产业发展分化出旅游绅士化和地产绅士化,乡村绅士化类型从单一的舒适移民绅士化向舒适移民、旅游和地产共构的“一地多类”绅士化演化。
关键行动者更替及其功能角色转换、绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替与融合发展、宏观乡村发展制度与地域自然人文环境共同作用于乡村绅士化的阶段演替与类型共生。关键行动者更替及其角色功能转换主导乡村绅士化阶段演替,绅士化路径变迁和主导产业更替融合发展推动乡村绅士化类型演化,印证了绅士化机理的资本供给说和文化需求说的互补,是乡村绅士化演化的一般机制。中国现阶段乡村宏观发展战略(美丽乡村、精准扶贫、乡村振兴)和基本制度安排(农村土地集体所有制、保护农户权益的宅基地制度与地方政府主导区域发展的制度安排)以及地域自然人文环境(巴马盘阳河流域特殊的健康地理环境、“候鸟人”的健康地理依赖与“巴马情结”、壮族宗社力量与恋家恋地文化)的综合作用下的行动者权利制衡,形塑出乡村绅士化的共生演化特征,是巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化演化的地域机制。
6.2 讨论
将乡村绅士化演化现象置于ANT网络视域下,对中国制度文化语境和西部地域环境特征的乡村绅士化的演化类型的多元性与形成机制的复杂性进行解析,是对López-Morales呼吁关注欧美之外乡村绅士化的地域特征与多元力量,培育出更具发展性的乡村绅士化理论的回应[19]。巴马盘阳河流域乡村绅士化在阶段演替中,形成了路径并存、类型共生的绅士化格局,不同于Smith“蝶变”理论隐喻的伦敦城郊绅士化演化的主导力量、发生路径的替代特征[5]。在中国农村土地集体所有制、农村宅基地制度和政府主导乡村发展的基础制度安排下,中国农村绅士化在形成和发展阶段,都不同于西方土地私有制度背景下绅士人群对原住民的生活空间侵入和资本对乡村资源的强势掠夺[6, 10-11],具有政府统筹、共同发展的社会主义特征。对比中国东部都市城中村和城郊,巴马盘阳河流域乡村叠加了西部民族区域欠发达发展的区位属性和华南宗族性的团结型村庄文化属性,乡村绅士化演化体现了行动者制衡和共生演化特征。对比广州小洲村从艺术群体自发集聚到文化创意产业与旅游融合发展的空间转换过程中,村民的强能动作用和村民空间抵抗下政府甚微的管治作用[26, 52],巴马壮族屯社精英与宗族力量是乡村绅士化的参与者和推动者,但不具备珠三角绅士化过程中村民的强势抵抗能力。相较长三角南京不老村,地方政府以撬动者、统筹者和参与者的多重角色自上而下地主导乡村绅士化进程而言[29],巴马形成了自下而上的“草根”绅士化和自上而下的机构绅士化路径并存、“一地多类”的绅士化格局。
Phillips等的系列研究表明行动者网络理论(ANT)方法的“转译”分析在乡村绅士化的概念辨析、实证研究和比较研究上具有方法适宜性[21, 48-49]。ANT在乡村绅士化演化现象的研究上同样具有方法(论)的优势,适于呈现乡村绅士化演化的阶段演替脉络与共生演化特征,能凸显地域自然人文因素在乡村绅士化演化的作用(人类行动者与非人类行动者共同作用、区域内外行动者权利制衡),从而揭示乡村绅士化演化的地域机制。ANT凸显了自然形成的健康地理环境与人文积淀的长寿文化景观等非人类行动者的功用和“能动性”。巴马健康地理环境与长寿文化景观是乡村绅士化发生与演化的基底。乡村绅士化伊始之时,“候鸟人”寻求的舒适美好生活依赖于巴马健康地理环境;而机构绅士化的登场也正由规模化的“候鸟人”旅居生活与中小资本涌入的失序开发带来的环境景观压力这一关键异议而诱发。从乡村可持续转型来看,自然万物有声而无言,ANT哲学观契合人与自然融合的大地法理哲学视野下的人地关系观和新冠肺炎疫情下的人本价值回归[53]。舒适移民对健康地理环境的身体依赖及其“巴马情结”和壮族敬神祭祖、恋家恋地的乡土文化,利于人类行动者和非人类行动者的沟通与协商,共同守候“长寿家园”。
本文呈现了中国西部民族地域乡村绅士化过程的阶段演替过程与共生演化特征,揭示了乡村绅士化演化的一般机制和地域机制,可为中国特色乡村绅士化的理论建构提供案例支撑。但乡村绅士化演化是一个动态发展的复杂过程,案例地“草根”行动者对大型资本圈地、挤占游憩生活空间的间歇抵抗,非人类行动者对长寿资源环境“污名”和长寿养生景观“异化”的无言异议,预示乡村绅士化的演化趋势。城乡中国和乡村振兴背景下,如何协同人类行动者的旅游、旅居、从业、投资的多元利益需求[54],并兼顾非人类行动者的可持续发展?如何吸引并汇聚内生性与外源性的多元行动者资源,在传承传统乡村美学、守护乡村底蕴价值的同时,利用商业资本,融汇绅士化文化资本,从生产、生活、生态、文化、社会、景观多元维度,系统提升乡村吸引力[54]?从而优化乡村绅士化发展质量,实现乡村可持续转型,需要理论与实践的共同关注。综上,本文的研究结论有待对同一案例地更长时段的历时性分析,亦需更多案例地的比较研究。
致谢:感谢访谈对象的信息分享和匿名审稿专家的指导建议。
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DOI:10.11821/dlxb201502007
[本文引用: 1]
传统的乡村现代化发展范式和地理学关于乡村的区域差异研究之间存在缝隙,不足以为快速演化分异的乡村地域发展提供直接理论支撑。本文引入西方近20年来逐渐兴起的多功能农业与多功能乡村理论,从新的视角观察思考中国乡村多元化发展的目标、路径及对策。首先从经济、社会和环境三个方面反思中国乡村现代化的基本历程与得失,以及西方国家乡村现代化产生的问题,指出传统的农业农村现代化发展在很大程度是以牺牲乡村环境和乡村社会机理脆弱化为代价的,也造成了乡村经济对外部支持的过度依赖,仅仅强调“现代化”发展范式显然是不够的;然后简要介绍了国外多功能农业与多功能乡村理论;在此基础上,从功能角度提出中国农业农村发展的多元目标,推演探讨农业农村发展的区域差异化路径及对策。
Spatial-temporal evolution of rural gentrification amidst rapid urbanization: A case study of Xiaozhou village, Guangzhou
DOI:10.11821/xb201208004
[本文引用: 6]
Rural gentrification refers to a process in which urban dwellers migrate to rural areas, in a pursuit of consuming the unique cultural ambience and a proximity to nature, with a certain degree of economic capital. It can be explained as the cause of multiple processes in the restructuring of local demographic structure and landscape changing. With special reference to the process of rural gentrification in Xiaozhou Village, Guangzhou, this paper explores the temporal-spatial characteristics of this process, as well as its evolvement alongside the changes in local socio-economic conditions. This paper reveals that there are two main processes in Xiaozhou's socio-spatial transformation, namely gentrification led by avant-garde artists and studentification led by incoming students. Owing to their different spatial demands, rental affordability, and magnitude, these two gentrification processes bring about different physical, cultural, social and economic influences to the local community. Yet, these two processes are tightly connected, and their socio-spatial evolvement experiences different stages of continuation, overlay, and displacement. While the avant-garde artists highlight the aesthetic values of the old architecture in the village, partially as a way to consume the symbolic meanings of rural space and rural landscape, the process of studentification places much more emphasis upon the use of newly built residential spaces and the development of housing spaces. In general, rural gentrification mitigates the economic predicament faced by Xiaozhou Village in a post-productivist era, and does not result in the displacement of indigenous villagers. However, the avant-garde artists are now facing displacement caused by rising housing costs due to the inflow of students. It is worth noting that, indigenous villagers are not the victims of rural gentrification, but become the promoters for the gentrification process through actively engaging in rent-seeking activities. This research also shows that, the differences of rural gentrification between China and Western countries mainly lie in four aspects, namely economic and physical impacts, the relationship between gentrification and urbanization, residential displacement, and driving forces of gentrification. These incongruences result from different socioeconomic background and dynamics of rural gentrification, as well as different land ownership and policies. Overall, this research is of theoretical and realistic significance in terms of examining the characteristics and dynamics of China's rural gentrification, and the unique development trajectory of China's rural community in an era of market transition.
快速城市化背景下乡村绅士化的时空演变特征
DOI:10.11821/xb201208004
[本文引用: 6]
乡村绅士化是指移民从城市迁入乡村地区, 通过对一定的经济资本的利用, 来达到对乡村的自然环境与独特的生活方式及文化氛围的体验与消费的过程。乡村绅士化过程造成了乡村地区人口结构的重构以及物质景观的变迁。本文选取广州小洲村作为研究案例, 对乡村绅士化的时空特征及其演变过程进行了深入分析。研究发现, 小洲村乡村绅士化过程分为艺术先锋绅士化及学生化两个阶段。由于空间需求、付租能力、群体数量等方面的差异, 两类绅士化过程对当地的物质环境、文化、社会、经济等方面产生了不同的影响。但两者的发展紧密相连, 在时间和空间上经历了延续、重叠、更替等阶段。乡村绅士化的过程, 在一定程度上缓解了乡村社区经济发展的困境, 也没有造成对本地居民的置换。但是随着社区住房成本的上涨, 先期迁入的艺术家群体正在被付租能力更强的学生群体逐渐替换。值得注意的是, 本地村民通过积极的寻租行为成为乡村绅士化的重要推动者, 而非被置换者。研究发现, 乡村绅士化现象的中西方差异主要体现在4 个方面:经济和物质层面的影响、与城市化的关系、人口置换的后果、绅士化的推动者。这些差异主要与乡村绅士化发展的社会经济背景、机制和特殊的土地政策等密切相关。这一研究对于探讨转型期中国乡村绅士化现象的特征与机制以及乡村社区发展的模式具有重要的理论与现实意义。
Building SoHo in Shenzhen: The territorial politics of gentrification and state making in China
DOI:10.1016/j.geoforum.2020.01.020 URL [本文引用: 3]
The characteristics of the life space remodeling of tourisom village during rural gentrification: The case of Cuandixia in Beijing
乡村绅士化进程中旅游型村落生活空间重塑特征研究: 以北京爨底下村为例
State-sponsored rural gentrification and its mechanism: A case study of Bulao village, Nanjing
组织型乡村绅士化现象及机制研究: 以南京不老村为例
Tourism-driven rural gentrification: Cases study of two villages in Danxia Mount
旅游驱动型乡村绅士化过程与机制研究: 以丹霞山两村为例
Dynamic representation and formation mechanism of rural gentrification in the context of tourism development: A case study of Shangliang village, Huizhou, Guangdong
旅游发展背景下乡村绅士化的动态表征与形成机制: 以广东惠州上良村为例
The role of self-gentrification in sustainable tourism: Indigenous entrepreneurship at Honghe Hani Rice Terraces world heritage site, China
DOI:10.1080/09669582.2016.1189923 URL [本文引用: 3]
When guesthouse meets home: The time-space of rural gentrification in southwest China
DOI:10.1016/j.geoforum.2019.01.020 URL [本文引用: 3]
The spatial pattern and formation mechanism of amenity migration-based rural gentrification: A case study of Panyang river basin of Bama in Guangxi
舒适移民型乡村绅士化空间格局及其形成机制: 以广西巴马盘阳河流域为例
Characteristics and mechanism of rural gentrification driven by amenity migration: A case study of longevity villages in panyang river basin of Bama county
舒适移民驱动的乡村绅士化发展特征与机理分析: 以巴马盘阳河流域长寿乡村为例
A review on gentrification studies in western countries
西方绅士化研究进展
Research progress of rural gentrification in western countries
西方乡村绅士化研究进展
Contextual diversity in gentrification research
DOI:10.1177/0896920510380950 URL [本文引用: 1]
Networking rurality: Emergent complexity in the countryside//Cloke P, Marsden T, Mooney P. Handbook of Rural Studies
Rural geography: Blurring boundaries and making connections
DOI:10.1177/0309132508105001 URL [本文引用: 1]
Relational rurals: Some thoughts on relating things and theory in rural studies
DOI:10.1016/j.jrurstud.2012.01.011 URL [本文引用: 1]
Why some rural areas decline while some others not: An overview of rural evolution in the world
DOI:10.1016/j.jrurstud.2019.03.003 URL [本文引用: 1]
Research on the interaction between actor-network-theory and human geography: Reconstruction, debate and reflection
DOI:10.11821/dlyj020200270
[本文引用: 1]
The actor-network theory (ANT), originated from the sociology of science, has been widely used in many disciplines. In the field of geography, this theory tends to break through the long-standing dualism between global and local, nature and society, etc. Much of the theoretical work has been done to understand the complex and obscure connotation of ANT. For instance, representative human geography scholars like Jonathan Murdoch and Sarah Whatmore proposed to cancel many dualistic presuppositions in geography, thus rethinking the nature of geographical knowledge through ANT. However, the current empirical studies in Chinese academic world show the trends of oversimplification and misuse of this concept by reason of lacking a sufficient understanding of the relationship between ANT and human geography. Therefore, the paper aims to investigate the interaction between the actor-network theory and human geography. Specifically, it is found that there are overlaps and similarities in the aspect of temporal-spatial view by summarizing and comparing ANT and the related theories of human geography. More importantly, the principle of general symmetry links ANT with human geography, which makes us re-recognize the description methodology, the significance of nature and materiality, and the network in human geography. Nevertheless, the understanding of ANT is still controversial and has been critically discussed, ranging from the aspects of social interpretation and network interpretation, the legitimacy of traditional criticism and the authenticity and validity of human-nonhuman symmetry. To accommodate the neglected and insufficient description of the real world, some geographers bring in assemblage thinking, including concepts like desire, virtual and flux. In addition, as the profound impact of the case study of the scallop experiment on the understanding and application of ANT by human geographers, the article analyzes the latent translation logic contained in this case. Finally, the study points out key issues that need to be reflected in the application of actor-network theory in empirical research, and indicates the possible directions for further research from the perspectives of human and nature, scientific knowledge production and dissemination. In summary, this paper discusses the enlightenment of ANT to human geography, which provides more possibilities of dialogues between different studies based on ANT, enhancing the innovation and geographical knowledge spillovers.
行动者网络理论与人文地理学的交互关系研究: 重构、争辩与反思
DOI:10.11821/dlyj020200270
[本文引用: 1]
行动者网络理论(ANT)被用于诸多学科,对突破地理学中的二元思维具有重要意义。通过梳理和比较ANT与人文地理学的相关理论,发现其时空观具有相通之处。广义对称性原则将ANT与人文地理学链接,使得人文地理学中描述的方法论、自然和物质的重要性及网络被重新认识。地理学者对ANT的批判主要围绕社会解释与网络解释、传统批判的合法性、人与非人对称的真实性与有效性等方面展开。一些地理学者试图使用拼装(assemblage)思维来弥补ANT的不足,将欲望、虚拟、流等概念补充进来,使之更为贴近现实世界。由于扇贝实验的案例研究对人文地理学者理解与运用ANT影响较大,文章解析了该案例中蕴含的转译逻辑。最后,阐明ANT在经验研究中需要反思之处,并讨论了可进一步研究的方向及对人文地理学的启示。
Actor-network theory and commodification in rural space: A case study of Mayufang village in Beijing
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201708006
[本文引用: 1]
Along with the development of facility agriculture, horticultural agriculture and leisure agriculture, nowadays, the functions of agricultural production in rural areas have been weakened but the functions of consumption have been increased in Beijing. This shows that the commodification of rural space in Beijing has been developed in recent years. Rural tourism, as one of the important forms of the commodification of rural space, has played an important role in increasing farmers' income, preventing rural decline and revitalizing rural economy. Therefore, this paper selects rural tourism as the representative of the commodification to examine the formation and evolution of spatial commodification of rural space in Mayufang village as well as to explore farmers' participation in this process based on the actor network theory. In the process of the transformation, the rural areas being the farmers' producing and living spaces have changed to the urban residents' leisure and consumption spaces in Mayufang village and formed a heterogeneous actor-network, in which Tourism Bureau of Changping District and Changling Travel Company and other human actors and non-human actors have played a focal role. Major actors used the policy and the financial support to enroll farmers and other actors by the top-down executive network. Along with development of promotion, training, supervision and infrastructure, some local farmers started to create the physical and non-physical environments for the urban residents' consumption activities. Thus more and more farmers have been engaged in rural tourism, and the commodification of rural spaces in Mayufang village has been developed. As Mayufang village became the consumption space to the urban residents, the commodification of rural space in Mayufang village started its transformation of actor network. However, with the quit of non-human actors, which is Duijiuyu Natural Beauty and reduction of incentives launched by the original major actors, the representative of market has become the focal actor in the new actor network. More and more farmers, who were against the common purpose of the actor network were excluded, quitted the former actor network, thus commodification in rural space in Mayufang village declined. In the process of the formation of commodification of rural space in Mayufang village, the farmers who had the advantages of location, age and profession have much stronger desire to be involved in rural tourism, unemployed farmers prefer to be involved in rural tourism than farmers who make a living on agriculture. The farmers who worked in township enterprises are more willing to participate in rural tourism than self-employed business persons; villagers employed in the government units have less possibility to take part in rural tourism. While commodification of rural space in Mayufang village has declined, farmers began to transfer the labor force to other professions from rural tourism. When interests of major actors are commonly and inextricably linked with actors in actor network in rural areas, its commodification in rural space is strengthened, and vice versa.
行动者网络理论与农村空间商品化: 以北京市麻峪房村乡村旅游为例
DOI:10.11821/dlxb201708006
[本文引用: 1]
乡村旅游作为农村空间商品化的表现形式之一,在增加农民收入、阻止农村衰退、振兴农村经济方面发挥着重要作用。为此本文以北京市昌平区麻峪房村的乡村旅游为例,借助行动者网络理论分析农村空间商品化的形成与演变,并讨论农户在此过程中的参与。麻峪房村在从农民生活空间转变为城市居民消费空间的过程中,形成了以区旅游局、乡旅游公司为关键行动者,并吸纳了多个人类和非人类行动者所构成的行动者网络。在网络形成的过程中农户参与乡村旅游的程度逐渐提高,由此推动了麻峪房村农村空间商品化的发展。麻峪房村演变为城市居民消费空间后,由于行动者网络发生变化使农村空间商品化发生变化,导致麻峪房村农村空间商品化程度降低。同时新的行动者网络中的各行动者的不对等性明显,各行动者之间存在很多异议,使该网络趋于僵化、丧失活力,不足以支撑麻峪房村乡村旅游继续发展。在麻峪房村农村空间商品化的形成过程中,农户的院落区位、年龄与原有工作等对农户参与乡村旅游的意愿产生不同的影响。当农村地区行动者网络中的关键行动者与行动者利益共通且紧密联系时,其空间商品化就得到强化,反之亦然。
Process and mechanism of the commodification of rural space in developed areas: A case study of Xixiang Village in Suzhou City
DOI:10.18306/dlkxjz.2021.01.016
[本文引用: 1]
Due to the rapid urbanization, rural areas in China is undergoing drastic transformation and reconstruction, showing a diverse scene of rural spatial differentiation. With the transformation of rural areas from agricultural production space to multifunctional space such as production, living, and ecological, the potential value of spatial elements such as human settlements, natural landscapes, history, and culture in rural areas is gradually emerging. Examining the research theme of the commodification of rural space can meet the requirements of theoretical development and practice. There exist only a few studies on the commodification of rural space conducted by the Chinese human geography community, which is still in its infancy, and the discussions on the formation mechanism of rural space commodification lack depth. Using field surveys and unstructured interviews, this study took Xixiang Village of Suzhou City as a study case to examine the process and mechanism of rural space commodification in developed areas. Field surveys conducted in Xixiang Village in September and October 2019 investigated the village building layout, industries, and residents' lifestyles. Seventeen respondents were interviewed on issues concerning the development and change of the village, production and daily life, and tourism development. The results show that the commodification of rural space is a process in which rural space itself gradually becomes a kind of commodity under market economy conditions that can obtain profit. The spatial connotation of this process embodies in space representation and space practice. From the perspective of space representation, the commodification of Xixiang Village space expanded from the commodification of agricultural products in the rural space to the commodification of the rural space itself, which was accompanied by the transformation from a single agricultural production space to a multifunctional space combining production and consumption. From the perspective of space practice, based on the actor-network theory, the commodification of space in Xixiang Village is driven by the connection of various heterogeneous actors inside and outside. Common interests of all actors are the basis of the network development, and the subjectivity and agency of non-human actors must be given full attention.
发达地区乡村空间商品化的过程与机制解析: 以苏州市西巷村为例
DOI:10.18306/dlkxjz.2021.01.016
[本文引用: 1]
随着城镇化的快速推进,中国乡村经历着剧烈的转型与重构,乡村地区的建筑民居、生态景观、文化遗产等物质与非物质空间要素的潜在价值逐步显化,乡村空间商品化的态势逐渐显现。论文以苏州市吴中区西巷自然村为案例,采用田野调查、非结构化访谈等方式,开展发达地区乡村空间商品化的过程与机制研究。研究发现:乡村空间商品化是在市场经济条件下,乡村空间本身逐渐成为商品被“销售”,进而获取一定利润的过程,该过程的空间内涵体现在空间表征与空间实践2个层面。从空间表征来看,西巷村空间商品化由乡村空间中农产品的商品化扩展到乡村空间本身的商品化,并且伴随着由单一的农业生产空间向生产与消费相结合的多功能空间转变,更加注重营销空间品质与体验等非实体产品。从空间实践来看,基于行动者网络理论视角,西巷村空间商品化是由村庄内外部多元异质主体的一系列实践推动,各行动者能获取共同利益是其得以联结形成网络的基础条件,网络中非人类行动者的主体性与能动性需要得到充分重视。
Mechanism of rural space transformation in Fengjian Ancient Village of Shunde District, Foshan based on the actor network
DOI:10.13249/j.cnki.sgs.2018.11.009
[本文引用: 2]
With China’s rural transformation development, the rural space is facing a significant reconstruction. This article analyzes the process and mechanism of spatial reconstruction of "Fengjian" in Xingtan Town, Shunde District, Foshan City by using the theory of actor network. The results shown that this village had experienced two stages: the construction phase of the tourism-type beautiful countryside and the operation phase of cultural tourism-type village. With the local government acting as the key actor, the actor network of the construction is authority-based and realized the reconstruction of the ecology, living and production space. The operation phase of the network has changed, with the village committee, villagers and other lower-level actors gradually gaining more right to speak, which increased the public space and promoted the transformation of functional space. The mechanism of the actor's network transformation is mainly due to the change of the key actor's purpose, the adoption of the community empowerment (changing the way of enrolment), and the change of the actor's role in the network. As the actor network is in a dynamic process, rural spatial reconstruction is also a continuous process. The reconstruction of the rural space caused the dissolution of rurality. But under protection of the government and the villagers with high awareness of the reserving rural nature, a good demonstration of balancing the villagers’ interest and rurality was present.
基于行动者网络理论的逢简村传统村落空间转型机制解析
DOI:10.13249/j.cnki.sgs.2018.11.009
[本文引用: 2]
基于行动者网络理论,对顺德区杏坛镇“逢简水乡”的空间重构过程与机制进行分析。结果表明:① 逢简村的空间转型过程分为旅游型美丽乡村的建设和运营2个阶段。② 美丽乡村建设阶段是以地方政府为关键行动者,形成了以权力为核心的自上而下征召的行动者网络,实现了乡村环境的综合整治,为运营阶段做准备。③ 运营阶段的行动者网络发生了转变,村集体、村民和其他下层行动者逐渐拥有更多的话语权,强化村民自治经营能力,增加了村内的公共空间建设并推进功能性空间的转化,进入了社区营造和经营阶段。④ 乡村转型发展的过程中,行动者网络的结构处于时时动态调整的状态,乡村空间转型与重组呈现出一个持续的过程。随着关键行动者目的转变、社区营造机制的引入(征召方式的改变),网络中的行动者角色发生变化,促成行动者网络转变,进而对乡村空间转型与重构产生作用。
Counterurbanisation and rural gentrification: An exploration of the terms. Population,
Baroque rurality in an English village
DOI:10.1016/j.jrurstud.2013.10.008 URL [本文引用: 3]
Research on the amenity migration based rural gentrificationin Panyang river basin, Bama county, Guangxi
[D].
广西巴马盘阳河流域舒适移民型乡村绅士化研究
[D].
A study on the types and mechanism of seasonal immigrant community in Bama Panyang river basin
巴马盘阳河流域季节性移民社区类型与形成机理
Inheritance and transmutation: Space transformation of Xiaozhou village, Guangzhou
DOI:10.11821/dlyj201811015
[本文引用: 1]
Under the background of rapid urbanization in the past few decades in China, rural areas have been experiencing a dramatic transformation process. Rural transformation reflects the urban-rural development and transformation of economic development mode. Based on the theory of "the production of space", by integrating the research methods of literature review, field observation and interview, this paper explores the process of rural space transition with the influence by different subjects of production. The main conclusions are as follows: (1) Xiaozhou village has experienced a dramatic change and become a creative tourism destination from a typical ancient village mainly in three phases, i.e. the organic development of an ancient village; spontaneous agglomeration of artistic elites; rural and cultural creative tourism develop simultaneously, which are one-to-one correlation between the space of the water village, the space of artistic creativity and the space of creative tourism. (2) With the participation of creative class, local government, capital, and tourists, the space production subjects have been oriented towards multiple villagers from the single villager previously in Xiaozhou village. (3) Under the impact of capital imbalance, multi-stakeholders including local villagers, creative class, tourists, government and developers all play an important role in Xiaozhou village's space transition. Local villagers, creative class and tourists fully act as the bottom-up active function. The government exerts the top-down control effect, despite of the ineffectiveness when local villagers' spatial resistance occurs. Against the uneven promotion of capital, this paper mainly analyzes the transition from the three dimensions: How the space transformation process goes on, who are the subjects, and what are the results and mechanism of spatial production. This paper explores the dynamic mechanism of the rural transformation and provides the suggestions and references for the urbanization drive.
传承与嬗变: 广州市小洲村的空间转换
DOI:10.11821/dlyj201811015
[本文引用: 1]
在快速城市化进程影响下,广州市小洲村因从典型的岭南水乡古村逐步演化为创意艺术与旅游空间而成为关注热点。空间生产理论为揭示小洲村的空间转换与重构提供了理论工具。运用实地考察法、访谈法、文本分析法等质性研究方法,围绕“空间转换的过程”“空间生产主体及作用”“空间生产的结果及机制”等问题,探讨不同发展阶段各空间主体对小洲村的建构过程以及结果,构建“时间—空间主体—空间”的分析框架。研究发现:① 小洲村经历了岭南水乡古村落的自然发育阶段、艺术精英自发集聚阶段、乡村旅游与文化创意产业融合发展阶段三个空间转换阶段,并分别形成了对应水乡古寨的生产生活空间、艺术创意空间、创意旅游商业空间三种空间形态。② 创意阶层、政府、资本、游客等空间主体的加入,使小洲村由单一空间主体(村民)转变为多元主体。③ 在资本城乡不平衡发展机制下,创意阶层、政府、资本、村民、游客等空间主体为实现各自的利益诉求,在小洲村的空间转换中产生了不同的影响,其中当地村民、创意阶层和游客发挥着自下而上的能动作用;政府起到自上而下的管治作用,但在村民的空间抵抗下效果甚微。
A relationship between man and land from the perspective of legal philosophy
我与你:一种法哲学视野中的人地关系
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