The outline and genealogy of Chinese pilitical geography
LIU Yungang1,, AN Ning2, WANG Fenglong3,4,
1. School of Geography, Southern China Normal University,Guangzhou 510631, China
2. Centre for Human Geography and Urban Development, Guangzhou University, Guangzhou 510006, China
3. The Center for Modern Chinese City Studies, East China Normal University, Shanghai 200062, China
4. Institute of Urban Development, East China Normal University, Shanghai 200062, China
National Natural Science Foundation of China, No.41571130, No.41271165, No.41601144, No.41701149;
This paper outlines the development trajectory and genealogical features of political geography in contemporary China. It first maps the development of political geography in Western academia and summarizes the genealogical characteristics of Western political geography. Taking the Western political geography as a baseline, it then discusses the establishment and development of political geography in contemporary China and divides this process into three stages since the founding of new China: the germination period, the stagnant period, and the revival period. Based on the work of extant (typical) scholars, related studies and relevant genealogical developments in each stage, this paper explores the main genealogical characteristics of political geography in China. Five major branches are extracted, which are respectively represented by Zhang Qiyun, Bao Juemin, Li Xudan, Zhang Wenkui and Wang Enyong. On this basis, this paper studies the similarity and difference between Chinese and Western political geography by focusing on their developing trajectories and features. This paper argues that: the development of political geography in China has been long influenced by the exogenous theories and notions and for this reason there is an apparent binary division between exogenous and endogenous political geography theories in China; the methodology, concepts and systems of this sub-discipline are still insufficient, and establishment of a unified academic community and the construction of subject knowledge system is therefore urgently needed. Finally, this paper proposes an agenda for future Chinese political geographical studies and calls for a more balanced and locally rooted Chinese political geography.
受社会达尔文主义的影响,拉采尔一生致力于“生存空间”的研究,他认为领土扩张是国家获取生存空间的唯一途径。受其影响,其后的政治地理研究主要集中在关于地理特征和国家间关系的分析,为国家领土扩张服务。其中,英国地理学家哈尔福德·麦金德（Halford Mackinder）成为这一领域的集大成者。他在其著名的《历史的地理枢纽》（The Geographical Pivot of History）一文中,从英国维护霸权的需要,提出了心脏地带概念。此后,相关的研究开始盛行,政治地理学因其实用的治国之道而逐渐为人熟知。许多地理学家如美国的艾赛亚·鲍曼（Isaiah Bowman）、尼古拉斯·斯皮克曼（Nicholas John Spykman）、德国的卡尔·豪斯霍费尔（Karl Haushofer）,均以地理学家的身份对其所在国家的外交军事政策产生了重要影响。在拉采尔的影响下,瑞典政治学家约翰·鲁道夫·契伦（Johan Rudolf Kjellen）创造了“地缘政治学”一词,并成为后世广泛运用的核心词汇。尤其是德国的豪斯霍费尔,发展了众所周知的德国地缘政治学（Geopolitik）,为纳粹德国的侵略战争提供理论支撑,更使“地缘政治”一词广为人知并几乎成为政治地理学的代名词。因为在国策制定方面的“贡献”,地缘政治学（政治地理学）曾经获得了极高的声誉,但也因为对纳粹国策制定的“贡献”,第二次世界大战结束后其声誉一落千丈。
第二次世界大战后,西方政治地理学的发展经历了20年左右的停滞期[7,8,9]。20世纪70年代后,政治地理学在西方复兴,但是其研究内容、方法和范式都发生了变化。伴随着对地缘政治与战争之间关系的反思,政治地理学开始“去政治化”。一些相关的面向政策的传统地缘政治研究转移到了国际关系等地理学之外的领域,如布热津斯基（Zbigniew Brzezinski）和基辛格（Henry Alfred Kissinger）出版了一系列关于外交和地缘战略的著作。另一方面,一些政治地理学者把他们的研究兴趣扩展到国家内部的对象上,开始关注“政治性”较弱的一些领域。如20世纪60年代,一些学者籍着“计量革命”思潮,开始关注选举地理等相对依靠定量分析而又“无害”的议题[10,11,12];20世纪90年代,受后现代主义思潮的影响,一些政治地理学者提出批判地缘政治学（critical geopolitics）[14,15],对主流地缘政治思想进行解构和批判性反思,剖析隐藏在话语和地理知识等背后的权力关系等[16,17,18]。
1982年国际地理学联合会（International Geographical Union, IGU）设立了政治地理研究小组,同时《政治地理学季刊》（Political Geography Quarterly）正式创刊,标志着西方新政治地理学（New Political Geography）的确立。新政治地理学的研究内容超越了古典地缘政治,研究对象也从“国家中心主义”扩展到多尺度空间[7,8,9]。20世纪80年代,皮特·泰勒（Peter J. Taylor）将伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦（Immanuel Wallerstein）的世界体系理论引入政治地理学,为政治地理学的多尺度分析提供了整合框架。这一时期西方政治地理学关注的主题逐渐拓展到全球化所带来的国家权威弱化、民族国家、民族主义、内战纷争、新帝国主义、霸权、信息的政治空间、地理知识的生产、政治制度、政治景观和表征的权力等[20,21,22,23,24,25]。此外,地方政治的研究也开始兴起,并被联系到不同层次的权力关系进行复合分析,如从水平的（在不同的地区间）和垂直的（在不同的尺度间）角度对冲突进行研究[26,27,28],等。如今,“国家”仍是西方政治地理学关注的基本单元,但已不再是唯一的研究对象,“条条大路通罗马”,多尺度和跨尺度的研究已成为当今政治地理学研究的新范式。
进入21世纪,更多的西方地缘政治学研究成果被介绍到中国,比如伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦、兹比格涅夫·布热津斯基和塞缪尔·亨廷顿（Samuel P. Huntington）等学者的相关著述。此外,除了对西方成果的引入外,应用西方理论对中国案例进行实证研究的成果也多起来。这些研究的主题包括冷战后的地缘政治与国家安全、海洋地缘政治、资源与流动的政治[49,50]以及地缘战略[51,52,53]等。这些研究仍然主要是基于西方古典地缘政治理论和概念。同时,相关的学术讨论也呈逐渐增多的趋势,但这些讨论不全是由地理学者主导。
第二位是鲍觉民先生。其本科和研究生专业都是经济地理,但他对政治地理非常感兴趣,这与当时的社会政治背景、个人喜好、及其工作环境（包括在南开大学担任台湾研究所所长,海洋经济研究所副所长,在北京国际关系研究所担任研究员等）等因素密切相关。鲍觉民先生在他的著作中,反复强调了政治地理学研究及其知识体系的重要性。他可以被认为是新中国第一代积极倡导、实践并促进政治地理学科发展的地理学者。在鲍觉民的弟子中,有两位学者目前仍活跃在中国学术界：一位是李小建,他在南开大学师从鲍觉民学习,后在澳大利亚国立大学学成归国,逐渐将研究重心转向公司地理学;另一位是王正毅,他在鲍觉民的指导下,在博士期间发表了《现代政治地理学》,随后去杨百翰大学（Brigham Young University）从事世界体系理论以及与沃勒斯坦相关的研究。他之后几乎所有的后续研究都在关注国际政治经济学相关的话题,目前任职于北京大学国际关系学院。
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地缘政治学以地理的视角探讨国际关系,极大地影响了世界政治发展历程。全球化、信息化的浪潮中,地缘政治在国际舞台复兴,成为全球格局解读和政策制定的重要学科。科学认识和总结国际地缘政治学最新发展是推进学科发展的前提。以Web of Science中地缘政治的学术论文为依据,借助于科学计量工具,系统回顾了1996-2015年地缘政治学的发展脉络,揭示了地缘政治学发展的基本规律,剖析了国际地缘政治学的重点研究领域和研究转向。从文献计量统计分析来看,近年来在政治地理及地理学相关期刊发表的论文数量不断增加;地缘政治全球高引用文章重点关注了国家与边境的地缘政治诠释、批判性地缘政治学、情感地缘政治、女性主义地缘政治等主题。在上述分析的基础上,重点回顾了边境与领土空间、全球化下的地缘文化与经济、热点区域与中国模式、资源冲突与生态政治、价值情感与文化的地缘政治学分支领域研究趋势。通过文献系统回顾发现,国际地缘政治学的研究出现了如下趋势：后冷战时代中,国家、边境等仍为地缘政治的核心研究方向;地缘政治在进一步强调地理重要性的同时,也出现了向批判性地缘政治,尤其是从人本主义（情感地缘政治、女性地缘政治）对传统地缘政治进行反思的转变。最后提出,中国地缘政治界应强化地理空间与尺度的重要性,采用叙述、过程等多元方法,并融入人本主义的思想,来进一步丰富地缘政治研究的理论与实践。
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Place identity is a fluid construction that is in a constant dynamics of re-imagination. Changes in economic, social, cultural and political conditions lead individual and groups to re-imagine and rebuild their place-based identity. One major force that causes people's interruption in place identity is the rationalizing spatial process that reduces place into abstract space that is open to reorganization. In this paper, we investigate the interruption, reconfirmation and renegotiation of the place-based identity of local residents of the former municipal district of Dongshan, Guangzhou, China, after the official administrative establishment of Dongshan was cancelled by the Guangzhou municipal authority in 2005. Thirty-six in-depth interviews were conducted, and it is found that local Dongshan residents' place identity had generally been enhanced, rather than vitiated, after the 2005 change of administrative division, while discourses about interruptions in their place identity fill up their narratives. Although sensing obvious interruption in place-based identity, local Dongshan residents re-imagined the meanings of the place of Dongshan to build up culturally delimited borders that were conditioned by the name Dongshan, and this re-imagined place-based identity results from the local residents' renegotiation about what the place of Dongshan is and how their identities are connected to the place.
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Geographic location has become an important analytical focal point in academic circle since the 1880s. The existing literature suggests that in terms of the maximization of economic benefits, the optimal industrial location is determined by either traditional economic elements or modern knowledge and technology factors. Because the explanations are under the assumption of rational economic man, which pay relatively little attention to the subjectivity of human beings and social system, they did not go beyond the mode of seeking causation for inevitable results. This paper attempts to reveal the inherent relationship between location and social system from the perspective of humanism. Taking X market in Guangzhou as a case study, this paper analyzes how economic elites and political elites construct their power relations to determine the location of X market under the context of economic globalization. The main conclusions can be drawn as follows. (1) Local power relationship is embedded in market location, which is power-dependent. (2) Location is socially constructed, rather than ontologically pre-given. The construction and reconstruction of X market indicates that location is an outcome of social struggle for power and control. (3) Power relations of the location are strongly localized. These localized power relations are important for maintaining the prosperity of X market and retaining a relatively fixed market location. (4) Related to the first and second points, location is the arena where socio-spatial power relations are contested and compromises are negotiated and regulated. The development of X market suggests that the production of location is a dynamic process contingent upon the contestation and negotiation between economic and political elites.
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This article attempts to deconstruct the masculinised contract among the war narrative, popular culture, and Chinese nationalism by exploring the roles of women in Nanjing Massacre films with war narratives and Chinese audiences' emotional ‘readings’ of these women. Based on the analysis of and and audiences' comments on these two films from , this article has mapped a popular geopolitics of these two films through a feminist approach. The main argument of this research points out that, through the production and consumption of these two films, the women of the Nanjing Massacre can be territorialised as Nanjing/China and used to represent China's attitudes towards both the historical and current Sino–Japanese relationship. In this way, the women of these films can be considered an articulation of popular culture and politics, and they are empowered to establish Chinese nationalism and construct anti-Japanese identities in Chinese society. To a wider extent, this article can be read as a contribution to the literature on gender, nationalism and popular geopolitics.