Industry and Regional Development

Intergenerational differences of spatio-temporal characteristics and influencing factors of home-work location changes since 1978: Empirical analysis based on the micro-survey in Guangzhou, China

  • LIN Rongping , 1, 2 ,
  • ZHOU Suhong , 1, 2, 3 ,
  • YAN Xiaopei 1
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  • 1. School of Geography and Planning, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou 510275, China
  • 2. Guangdong Key Laboratory for Urbanization and Geo-simulation, Guangzhou 510275, China
  • 3. Guangdong Provincial Engineering Research Center for Public Security and Disaster, Guangzhou 510275, China

Received date: 2017-11-13

  Request revised date: 2019-03-11

  Online published: 2019-04-23

Supported by

National Natural Science Foundation of China, No.41871148, No.41522104, No.41531178

Natural Science Foundation of Guangdong Province, No.2017A030313228, No.2014A030312010

Copyright

本文是开放获取期刊文献,在以下情况下可以自由使用:学术研究、学术交流、科研教学等,但不允许用于商业目的.

Abstract

The housing and employment system in urban China has experienced profound transformations in the late 1980s and 1990s. Thus, individual daily behavior and its trajectory in life process have been reshaped and changed. However, previous studies barely focused on the feedback interaction of home-work behavior among different generations, especially beyond Chinese policy transition. Based on the intergenerational difference theory and the perspective of time geography, this paper combines individual jobs-housing course and inter-generational issue to analyze the spatio-temporal characteristics and structural differences of living and working behavior among different generations. These generations were born either before the reform of employment and housing system in 1988 or after in 1998. Through the analysis of the questionnaire, the main results are as follows. (1) Considering the migration of residence, all generations tend to move out from the old city area, and the migration of work places surrounds two city centers, forming a transition process from core area of old city to the suburbs. (2) The average commuting distance increased from 4.91 km to 6.46 km, while the work places and residences of post-1990s' changes much more than those of other age groups, who have suffered higher jobs-housing separation. (3) The commercialization and socialization of housing have greatly increased the freedom of individual residence and job choices after removing residents' house restrictions. In 1998-2016, the rates of post-1960s' and post-1970s' housing change increased to 113.16% and 112.33%, while the rates of their employment place change increased to 148.68% and 197.26%, which are higher compared with before housing reform. (4) The residence time decrease obviously due to the mobility of occupation, with a most obvious change among post-1960s from 14.43 years before 1988 to 5.43 years after 1998. Besides, and the staying in employment place decreased from 12.43 years to 3.95 years. The staying time of post-1980s and post-1990s was much shorter as well after 1988 while that of post-1970s was relatively long. (5) The influences of housing price, marital status, education, welfare house and laid-off status, etc. in capability constraints, coupling constraints and authority constraints are different among different generations on both living and working place migration. However, children's attendance at school and colleagues relationship in combined constraints have no significant different influences between groups on working place migration.

Cite this article

LIN Rongping , ZHOU Suhong , YAN Xiaopei . Intergenerational differences of spatio-temporal characteristics and influencing factors of home-work location changes since 1978: Empirical analysis based on the micro-survey in Guangzhou, China[J]. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2019 , 74(4) : 753 -769 . DOI: 10.11821/dlxb201904010

1 引言

20世纪50年代德国社会学家曼海姆(Karl Mannheim)提出代际差异理论,认为因出生年代与成长背景的不同,不同代群在价值观、态度及偏好方面呈现出差异性群体特征[1],因此不同代群的活动行为实际隐含了历史文化语境和成长过程对自身行为取向的潜在规约。作为生命历程重要的活动事件,职住活动及其时空变化尺度深受社会制度与家庭文化的约束与影响。在1978年以前,各城市强调单位内部或近距离实现职住平衡,形成职住合一的“空间绑定(spatial bond)”[2]。随着计划经济向社会主义市场经济转型,以单位大院为特色的空间联系逐渐瓦解[3,4],不同代际居民职住选择随住房与就业制度的改革不断发生深刻变化。
现有研究中,职住问题已得到国内外学者的广泛关注。不少研究利用宏观汇总资料或微观个体数据,就职住平衡、职住匹配与可达性等方面揭示了城市职住空间结构[5,6,7,8]、通勤特征[9,10,11,12]及其内在影响因素(如土地利用[13,14]、居民属性[15]、住区环境[16]、空间偏好[17]等)。除此之外,部分研究利用生命历程或生命周期方法将职住选择或职住流动与家庭生命周期相联系,认为人们住房或就业事件的决策常取决于家庭生命周期各阶段(结婚、子女养育、退休等)所影响的日常生活方式或生活偏好[18,19,20]。针对中国不同于西方国家的体制转型与社会经济背景,国内学者发现了除家庭生命周期外,中国多样的社会文化价值观、户籍制度、单位性质等同样对居民住房选择产生显著影响[21,22]。尽管当前已有研究对居民职住选择行为进行了多方面探讨,但国外多数研究着眼于单一队列视角分析,如Kim等以美国底特律1991-2001年具有迁居经历的人为研究对象,分析生命周期中个人、通勤、邻里和环境特征对职住地选择的影响[23]。Kataure等通过半结构化访谈调查了加拿大布兰普顿市多族裔聚居地中南亚移民子代独立生活的住房偏好[24]。还有学者通过深度访谈探究30~39岁妇女生命周期多样化、住房市场与制度对其住房机会的限制等[25]。整体上学者们对于不同队列群体间的行为模式差异及其特点仍未做出进一步对比剖析与探究。国外对于就业代际问题的探讨也多集中于职业流动、价值观、工作期望与态度等方面的社会学或管理学领域[26,27,28]
而国内对于上述代际问题的研究鲜少做出回应[22, 29-30],多以居住空间分异作为切入 点[31,32,33]分析其中的空间格局及演变趋势。尽管有学者指出不同年龄段居民的代际分/合居选择的影响因素及其显著度有所差异,并构建了中国式家庭居住周期演变模式[30],但分析视角以国内文化价值观为基础,相应住房与就业政策变化等特殊社会经济制度转型对居民居住变迁的过程影响仍有待深入讨论。另一方面,国内就业方面研究侧重于住房产权[34]、农民工就业[35]、独生子女文化[36]等社会学与人口学领域,结合社会经济背景变化与个体生命历程的时间互动,分析不同代际群体在时代背后的行为特点等研究仍显不足,特别是较少从时空行为关联来对比分析不同代群间的活动过程、模式及其差异。
基于此,本文尝试将中国1978年以来的居民职住地流动与代际问题相结合,利用时间地理学视角与代际差异理论分析不同代际群体在时间、空间上对制度文化变动做出的反馈,揭示政策变化影响下群体性职住行为特征与代际差异。这对分析中国社会改革与转型背景下居民空间行为与社会公平现象,以及减小城市住房、就业政策调控中不确定性与迟滞性等,均具有重要的研究价值与现实意义。本文将着重探讨在20世纪末发生的两次重大住房就业制度改革下(1988年国家提出不包分配大专以上毕业生择业,1998年停止住房实物分配),不同代际居民职住地选择行为发生了何种变化,时空间配置关系与影响因素存在何种代际差异等。本文也将为中国改革开放以来近40年的快速发展中,代际关系在经济社会转型期的特殊性、多样性以及社会机会结构变化等问题研究提供参考。

2 研究方法

首先,基于时间地理学视角与代际差异理论,设计包含居民职住地变迁时间、地点、态度及偏好等内容的调查问卷,并开展典型街区实地走访与入户调查。获取数据后,利用ArcGIS平台刻画居民职住地变迁时空间特征,剖析1988年就业社会化以及1998年住房市场化这两个制度变化前后,60后~90后居民职住地时空间变迁过程,并分析职住地变迁能力、组合及权威制约因素。其次,运用Kruskal Wallis多独立样本非参数统计检验,判断职住地变迁制约是否存在代际差异,揭示变迁行为的共性和差异性影响因素。第三,进一步通过多重比较,分析两两代际之间制约因素的影响侧重,并探讨各代际职住地变迁背后的深层解释原因。

2.1 时间地理学

时间地理学于20世纪60年代后期由瑞典著名地理学家哈格斯特朗(Torsten Hägerstrand)倡导,并由以他为核心的隆德学派(Lured School)发展而成[37]。时间地理学关注微观层面人类活动移动模式及其与客观环境关系,认为人的活动是由一定时空间环境条件下一系列连续并且相关的事件所构成[38],并可以通过将空间压缩为二维平面,用纵轴代表时间在图上加以表示[39]。由此路径表示个人在时空中连续活动与出行过程[40],竖线表示活动空间驻留地,其高度表示时间上的可用性。同时路径可以根据分析需要在空间尺度、时间尺度和对象尺度上自由设定[38]。本文借鉴其概念框架将个体生命历程中的职住地变迁史进行视图表达(图1)。以迁居为例,个体由居住地1迁往居住地2,其变迁前后在时间上连续,图中以横线表示迁居过程(图1a“迁居1”),居住时长由竖线高度表示。就业地变迁路径与之相同,变迁过程投影于二维平面上为起讫点(origin-destination, OD)连线。
Fig. 1 Transition path of individual house and employment place and constraints

图1 个体职住地变迁路径与制约影响

此外,时间地理学认为因客观条件制约了个体活动路径时空可达范围(活动时间分配与空间分布),个体活动只能在有限时间范围内的特定地点发生,并划分了3类制约因素:① 能力制约,指个人通过自身能力或使用工具能够进行的活动是有限制的,如交通工具;② 组合制约,指个人或集体为了从事某项活动而必须同其他的人或物的路径同时存在于同一场所的制约,如社交;③ 权威制约,指法津、习惯、社会规范等把人或物体从特定时间或特定空间中排除的制约[38,39,40,41,42]
结合研究目的与研究实现手段,本文职住地变迁路径的3类制约分别为(表1):
Tab. 1 Constraint factors of home-work location change

表1 居民职住地变迁制约

居住地变迁 备注 就业地变迁 备注
能力制约 家庭总人口 人口数 学历 1:小学;2:初中;3:高中;4:中专/中技/职高;5:大专;6:大学本科;7:研究生以上
房价/租金便宜 1:是;0:否 职务 1:专业及科研人员;2:教师;3:高级管理人员;4:中级管理人员;5:低级管理人员;6:科员/办事人员;7:技术工人;8:非技术工人及一般体力劳动者;9:服务员;10:个体户;11:散工;12:其他
想拥有自己的房子 1:是;0:否 单位性质 1:机关单位;2:事业单位;3:集体单位;4:国有企业;5:私营企业;6:个体;7:其他
居住地周边设施完善,生活便利 1:是;0:否 离住所太远 1:是;0:否
居住地交通方便 1:是;0:否 工作前景 1:有;0:无
居住地比较安全 1:是;0:否 工资太低 1:是;0:否
组合制约 与家人上班方便 1:是;0:否 配偶工作调动 1:是;0:否
结婚 1:是;0:否 子女上学 1:是;0:否
子女上学 1:是;0:否 与同事或领导关系不好 1:是;0:否
权威制约 拆迁安置 1:是;0:否 单位内部调动 1:是;0:否
福利分房 1:是;0:否 原单位搬迁 1:是;0:否
下岗 1:是;0:否
(1)职住地变迁能力制约,主要体现在个体职住地时空选择与驻留上受到自身社会经济条件与周边物理环境的约束,包括学历、职务、单位性质、家庭人口等以及职住地环境。因不同个体生活习惯与生活方式不同,部分指标以职住条件期望自评与态度偏好为主,以间接反应个体自身条件对职住地时空范围的选择与限制。
(2)职住地变迁组合制约,主要来自于家庭内成员及与工作同事、领导人际关系,或个体及其他成员基于某一活动而对职住时空间产生影响(竞争或合作)的因素,包括家人日常活动关系(如子女上学)、同事关系等。
(3)职住地变迁权威制约,本文为拆迁安置、福利分房及单位调动与下岗等。

2.2 代际划分

在理解代际关系的概念中,“代”的涵义在流行话语和学术研究中未有统一定义,其中包含两层含义:① 指祖父母、父母和孩子之间的血统关系;② 指出生在同一时期或时间队列,经历了相同社会变革与事件并形成独特“历史社会意识”或集体认同,进而影响他们的态度、行为与生活结果,使之与先前几代人相区别的一群人[43,44,45]
在中国当代社会,分别出生于20世纪60至90年代的群体常被冠以年代标签,如1960-1969年出生的一代人被称为“60后”。60后经历了文革及物质精神相对匮乏的时代,并成长成熟于计划经济向市场经济转型阶段与改革开放初期,受教育水平相对较低[46],毕业后的住房与工作多受国家分配影响,具有较强的集体主义意识[47]。其后,70后伴随中国改革开放和社会体制转型而成长,大中专毕业后经历了教育、住房等方面的体制改革及下岗潮、金融危机等事件,基本在市场经济中形成了务实的物质主义价值观[48]。80后~90后出生于改革开放之后,基本为中国独生子女一代和二代,并伴随中国经济与互联网快速发展而成长,特别是全球化与信息化的爆炸式发展为这代人提供了获取知识和资源的便捷通道。这也使得与老一代相比,80后与90后更乐于探索新事物与尝试新角色,是个人主义、思想观念与价值观较为强烈与多元化的群体[49]
上述不同年代出生群体均经历着不同制度改革转折阶段或关键时期,在行为习惯、价值观念等方面表现出明显不同时代特点和差异。本文使用前述代际关系第2类定义,以60后、70后、80后及90后分别划分4类代际群体。因研究关注不同代际职住地变迁情况,故研究对象均以个体在变迁时年满18周岁作为前提进行筛选分析,以排除未变迁者对模型估计结果影响。

3 调查与数据

本文以广州市主城为研究区。广州市是国家中心城市之一,位于珠江三角洲北部,历来是华南地区商业贸易中心、水陆交通枢纽和中国最早对外通商贸易口岸,也是国内体制改革试验田和对外开放的重要窗口。调查区的选取主要考虑住区建成年代与居住群体,涉及了海珠、荔湾、越秀、天河、番禺及白云等地覆盖不同年代与住房类型的10个典型街区/社区(图2)。其中街区1(同德围)主要为20世纪90年代后建设的政府保障性住房;街区2(龙津)主要为解放前的祖屋,部分由市国土局回收后分配给职工;街区3(东晓)主要为90年代后建设的商品房,少量为拆迁安置房;街区4(华南新城)为2000年后建设的郊区商品房;街区5(员村)为60-70年代建设的单位生活区,以单位房改房和职工租住房为主;街区6(棠德花园)主要为90年代后建设的政府保障性住房小区;街区7(天河南)中主要为80年代末和90年代建设的福利房改房;街区8(建设新村)主要为60年代于市中心区建设的第一批福利房;街区9(中六)为70年代以前建设的混合居住区,以房改房和自建住房为主;街区10(中大)为单位大院[5]。整体上,调研区囊括了居民自建住房、职工分配住房、职工租住房、保障性住房、商品房等多种住房类型。图2中的内城指建国前广州市传统中心城区[50]
Fig. 2 Research block distribution in Guangzhou

图2 广州市调研街区分布

在问卷中,受访者需填写居住地和就业地变迁年份、地点、家庭结构和工作状况等属性信息。本次研究中同时包含居住地和就业地等有效位置信息及符合年龄限制条件的问卷为812份,被调查者男女性别比例持平,60后、70后、80后和90后受访者数量比例为1∶1.5∶2∶1,基本属性情况如表2所示。
Tab. 2 The basic socioeconomic attributes of the interviewees

表2 受访者基本社会经济属性

属性 样本数 比例(%) 属性 样本数 比例(%)
性别 414 50.36 婚姻状况 未婚 213 25.91
408 49.64 已婚 608 73.97
年龄(岁) 90后(18~26) 124 15.09 离异/丧偶 1 0.12
80后(27~36) 327 39.78 个人月收入(元) 1000~1499 2 0.24
70后(37~46) 219 26.64 1500~2999 30 3.65
60后(47~56) 152 18.49 3000~4999 291 35.40
家庭总人口(人) 1 5 0.61 5000~6999 301 36.62
2 44 5.35 7000~8999 117 14.23
3 658 80.05 9000~12000 31 3.77
4 59 7.18 12000以上 50 6.08
> 4 56 6.81 单位性质 机关单位 10 1.22
教育程度 小学 3 0.36 事业单位 39 4.74
初中 36 4.38 集体单位 104 12.65
高中 173 21.05 国有企业 91 11.07
中专/中技/职高 145 17.64 私营企业 498 60.58
大专 293 35.64 个体 72 8.76
大学本科 169 20.56 其他 8 0.97
研究生 3 0.36

4 职住地时空变迁与特征

因不同代际职住地变迁的三维GIS时空路径结果相对繁杂,研究主要梳理每位居民职住地变迁史逐年进行二维起讫点(OD)连线,刻画居民职住地近40年变迁历程,并提取不同时期不同代际居民职住地变迁方向和距离等空间维度,以及变迁率和驻留时长等时间维度特征,分析其中的代际差异。

4.1 职住地变迁空间分异

改革开放以来,居民职住地呈现出不同的变迁方式与空间联系(图3a、3b)。居住地变迁历程表明,广州市居民住所迁出地仍主要集中于以越秀区为中心的老城区,部分居民从海珠区、天河区及白云区等近郊向中心城区迁移,且多数以2~3次变迁经历为主。就业地变迁过程相对分散,但主要迁出和迁入地仍围绕于西侧传统老城中心及东侧新城市中心(珠江新城),其余居民向外郊的白云和番禺等地远距离就业转移,整体上形成了由老城核心地域向内城和近郊扩散的迁移过程。
Fig. 3 Origin-destination (OD) line of home-work location and distance distribution in Guangzhou

图3 广州主城居民驻留地变迁起讫OD与变迁距离分布

在此基础上,分别提取职住地每次变迁前后OD直线距离与线性平均方向,发现在方向上,居民整体职住地变迁方向均为自西向东延伸,整体东向迁移特征明显。主要原因在于20世纪90年代初,广州市提出在东侧建设珠江新城以打造集金融、贸易、商业、文娱、居住等多种城市一级功能设施区的战略构想,进一步提升城市能级。自2000年后,以总部企业为主的高级生产空间在珠江新城集聚明显,至今已成为了华南地区、全国乃至全球重要的生产性服务业流量中心,集聚效应显著,因此吸引大量就业岗位东移。在变迁距离方面,60后~80后居民的居住地变迁距离分布趋势基本一致,其中未变迁率均约为20%,整体累积曲线比率几近为1,表明代际分布相对均匀,但90后分异明显,近距离迁移远高于其他代际居民(图3c)。对于就业地变迁,60后~90后居民5 km范围内迁移比例累计分别达到34.87%、37.56%、50.45%与81.89%,其中90后为未变迁率最高的群体(图3d),表明了当前近80%的90后群体未更换就业地。

4.2 职住距离变化

职住地变迁将直接导致职住通勤空间的变化。基于上述各代际居民职住空间与个体生命历程,本文分别提取1988年和1998年制度变化前后居民职住地距离(图4a~4c)。整体上,居民职住距离逐步扩大,各代际职住距离模式分异明显,7 km为主要为居民职住集聚范围。
Fig. 4 Linear distance of job-housing before and after the change of housing and employment policy in Guangzhou

图4 职住政策变化前后广州主城居民职住距离

1978年以来广州市居民平均职住距离由1988年以前的4.91 km增至之后的6.46 km。在1978-1987年,居民职住距离受计划体制下的单位制影响,越秀区和荔湾区等老城区居民以短距离通勤为主,长距职住关系主要分布于白云区和天河区等近郊区域,该时期整体平均职住距离为4.91 km。自1988年就业制度改革后,居民就业地选择逐步分散化(图4b),平均职住距离增至5.85 km,以越秀区为核心的居民通勤圈层开始显现,并逐渐向天河区和海珠区扩展。在1998年后,番禺区、白云区及天河区等地的城镇建设促使居民职住距离进一步扩大,同时长距离的分布延伸至主城区外围的花都区、黄埔区、增城及番禺区等地。该时期平均职住距离进一步増至6.46 km,这与当时城市大型居住组团与经济产业园区向外布局扩张相一致。
各代际职住距离模式明显不同。通过解析对比不同代际居民在不同时期职住距离,发现1988年以前60后居民在1 km与3~4 km范围内的距离比例分别为该代际样本的12%与20%(图4d),4 km范围内居民比例累计达到56%,进一步表明就业制度改革前,近距离通勤成为居民日常生活普遍现象。就业制度改革后(1988-1997年),居民就业选择自由度增加,60后居民平均职住距离扩大至6.21 km,而后1998年住房市场化改革形成的住房“双轨制”政策促使该代际群体平均职住距离进一步增至6.98 km。
70后居民在1998年前后的平均职住距离分别为5.55 km及6.64 km,整体分布相对一致,主要变化集中在1~2 km范围内。其中1~2 km占比从1998年之前的21.43%降至10.61%,表明城市交通与经济的发展及其用地的扩张,使得70后居民也逐渐由短距通勤向长距通勤转变。对于80后与90后,两类群体整体职住距离分布相似,其中以7 km范围内为主,分别占该代际的68.11%与71.30%,大于其他群体比例。结合上文就业地迁移分布,随着职住距离逐渐增加,80后与90后居住范围随之向外转移,面临的职住分离程度也将大于其他代际群体。

4.3 职住地驻留时长变迁

本文就1978-2016年职住地变迁时间分别统计计算,提取就业和住房制度改革前后职住地变迁率及变迁前后驻留时长(表3)。由于本研究截止2016年,为避免人为缩短样本最近一次驻留时间,表3中的驻留时长不包括最近一次职住地迁出经历。
Tab. 3 Characteristics of different generations' home-work location change of Guangzhou in different periods

表3 广州市不同代际居民各时期职住地的变迁特征

居住地 60后 70后 80后 90后 就业地 60后 70后 80后 90后
未变迁(%) 17.76 18.72 22.94 40.32 未变迁(%) 23.68 22.83 42.81 79.84
1978-1987 变迁率(%) 6.58
(10)
1978-1987 变迁率(%) 24.34
(37)
驻留时长(年) 14.43 驻留时长(年) 12.43
1988-1997 变迁率(%) 38.82(59) 22.37(49) 1988-1997 变迁率(%) 58.55
(89)
48.86
(107)
驻留时长(年) 9.36 9.94 驻留时长(年) 8.12 7.70
1998-2016 变迁率(%) 113.16(172) 112.33(246) 94.50(309) 69.35(86) 1998-2016 变迁率(%) 148.68(226) 197.26(432) 207.03(677) 129.03(160)
驻留时长(年) 5.43 6.75 3.92 1.91 驻留时长(年) 3.95 4.54 2.30 1.31

注:括号内为对应变迁次数。

表3可知,各代际从未发生职住地变动居民所占相应代际样本比例逐渐升高,未迁居比例从60后的17.76%升至90后的40.32%,就业地未变迁率由23.68%増至79.84%。该情况符合个体生命历程中由少至多的居住和就业变迁经历。因90后学历水平、工作收入相对低于年长者,住房和就业地变迁能力与对应经历偏少,未变迁率均大于其余代际。
住房与就业市场的建立明显促进了各代际居民的职住选择自由度与流动性。以1988年大专以上毕业生自主择业为节点,1978-1987年60后住房和就业主要由国家或单位统一分配,两者均处于较低变迁水平,分别为该代际样本的6.58%与24.34%,相应样本迁移次数分别为10次及37次。随着就业改革的深化推进,国家开始探索与社会主义市场经济体制相适应的新住房体制,60后与70后均表现出明显职住地变迁动向,其中在1988-1997年60后居住地与就业地变迁率分别增至38.82%与58.55%。人才就业市场化同样使得70后就业地变迁明显(48.86%),但迁居率仍囿于住房政策限制(22.37%)。
尽管就业制度改革较大地促进了人力资源的有效流动与配置,但住房问题仍是限制居民职住流动性的重要障碍。因此在1998年国家全面停止住房实物分配,各地实施房改方案后,住房商品化极大地增加了个体职住地选择自由度,职住地变迁规模明显扩大。其中60后居住地与就业地变迁率增至113.16%与148.68%,即1998-2016年60后居民平均每人分别更换居住地与就业地1.13次与1.49次。70后增速更为显著,住房与就业地变迁较上一时期增长4倍与3倍,分别增至112.33%及197.26%。对于80后~90后,其年满18岁开始生命历程中的职住地选择发生于1998年之后,迁居率均低于60后与70后,分别为94.50%与69.35%,但就业地变迁率高达207.03%与129.03%,这表明当代青年与较为年长的代际群体相比更具有较强的择业倾向,就业探索性更强。除经济发展因素外,从中也表明居民就业选择的流动性在就业制度改革前因服从国家分配安排而明显受限。
对比驻留时间,不同代际居民职住地的驻留时长也存在差异。其中60后居民在就业与住房改革前后的职住地驻留时长逐渐缩短,在1978-1987年、1988-1997年及1998-2016年变迁时,居住时长分别为14.43年、9.36年及5.43年,就业地驻留时间则由12.43年降至3.95年。70后就业地驻留时间同样缩短,在1988、1998年职住制度改革后分别为7.70年与4.54年。80后与90后群体分别在居住3.92与2.30年后迁往其他住所,就业地驻留时间同样偏短,平均时长为1.91年与1.31年,进一步表明就业与住房市场使得当代青年与其他代际相比更易表现出驻留时长少、变动频率快等特点,相应离职意愿更高。

4.4 职住变迁的代际比较

基于上述分析,研究对比总结了不同代际群体时空变迁特征(表4)。改革开放后近40年间,60后~80后的居住地变迁距离分布相对一致,就业地变迁相对分散,而90后均以近距离变迁为主;60后与70后居民在职住制度转型前后的职住距离变化差异较大,长距离职住关系成为该两类群体演变趋势,但60后职住分布更为分散,表明该群体在职住地选择上更具多样性,选择机制也较为复杂;80后~90后居民主要集中在7 km内的职住范围。在变迁率与时间特征方面,60后与70后居民职住地变迁率逐渐增高;相应地,60后与70后群体在住房、就业地的驻留时间逐渐缩短,职住流动自由度增加;在1998年住房制度改革后,80与90后的职住地驻留时长均低于60后与70后。
Tab. 4 Comparison of spatial and temporal characteristics for generational home-work location change in Guangzho

表4 广州不同代际群体职住地变迁时空特征模式对比

60后 70后 80后 90后
职住地
空间特征
居住地变迁 分布趋势一致,各代际迁移距离分布相对均匀 近距离比例高
就业地变迁 相对分散分布,距离分布不均 近距离比例高
职住地距离 长距离,分散 短距离向长距离转变 集中于7 km内
职住地
时间特征
变迁率 1978-1987年 / / /
1988-1997年 较低 较低 / /
1998-2016年 较高
驻留
时长
1978-1987年 / / /
1988-1997年 较长 较长 / /
1998-2016年

5 职住地变迁影响因素差异

因个体活动时空可达范围受能力、组合及权威制约条件约束,本文基于各代际居民最近一次职住地变迁影响因素进行制约条件划分,利用非参数检验方法判断不同制约条件对代际群体约束影响,并进一步由多重比较方法探讨制约因素在代际职住地变动上的结构性差异。

5.1 居民职住变迁主要影响因素

基于SPSS平台,利用Kruskal Wallis多独立样本非参数统计检验对制约条件的共性与差异性代际影响因素进行判断,相关结果如表5所示。能力制约中的房价(租金)是否便宜、居住地比较安全对60后~90后群体居住变迁制约存在明显差异(P < 0.05),属于不同代际的差异性制约要素。其余如家庭总人口、交通环境等因素对住房选择的影响并不存在显著代际差距,为共性影响要素。对于就业地选择,学历、工资水平等因素对群体影响差异明显。特别地,在此次调查中,除因结婚而进行的住所选择存在明显群体分异(P < 0.01)外,组合制约中的方便家人上班、配偶工作调动、子女上学及同事关系,在各代际职住地变迁影响中并无明显差别,这表明家庭成员活动关系与同事关系对各代际职住地选择的影响并不突出。此外,权威制约中的福利分房和单位调动、下岗对居民职住变动状况表现出显著群体分异,这与群体生命历程及其所经历国家政策调整与就业制度转型相一致。
Tab. 5 Inter-group differences in the factors of generations' home-work location change (Kruskal Wallis test)

表5 各代际居民职住地变动因素的组间差异(Kruskal Wallis检验)

居住地变迁 卡方 就业地变迁 卡方
能力制约 家庭总人口 2.342 学历 88.326***
房价(租金)便宜 8.509** 职务 5.519
想拥有自己的房子 2.328 单位性质 0.525
居住地周边设施完善,生活便利 5.612 离住所太远 1.595
居住地交通方便 3.944 工作前景 1.730
居住地比较安全 8.925** 工资太低 7.265*
组合制约 与家人上班方便 1.904 配偶工作调动 0.433
结婚 17.843*** 子女上学 1.837
子女上学 0.000 与同事或领导关系不好 1.868
权威制约 拆迁安置 1.263 单位内部调动 13.293***
福利分房 9.421** 原单位搬迁 2.068
下岗 9.001**

注:*表示显著性水平P < 0.1,**表示显著性水平P < 0.05,***表示显著性水平P < 0.01。

5.2 居住地变迁因素的代际差异

基于上述3类制约的差异性因素,进一步通过多重比较分析,考察制约因素对两两代际群体职住地变迁行为的影响侧重。同时为获取各个代际相较于其他整群的因素特征,增加各代际与该代际之外其余群体的对比,如60后与除60后之外全体(表6中简称“全体”)。结果发现60后与80后分别与其余全体比较时,迁居中的能力、组合及权威制约方面未表现出显著性差异,70后与90后分别受福利分房与结婚事件的影响显著。深入至各代际两两对比时,制约因素的代际分异更为显著。
Tab. 6 Multiple comparisons of different significant factors for generations' home-work location change

表6 不同代际居民职住地变动差异性因素的多重比较

居住地 全体 70后 80后 90后 就业地 全体 70后 80后 90后
能力制约 房价/租金便宜 60后 -0.054 -0.066 -0.021 -0.119* 能力制约 学历 60后 -0.532*** -0.292*** -0.778*** -0.359
70后 0.030 0.044 -0.053 70后 -0.189* -0.486*** -0.067
80后 -0.037 -0.097 80后 0.584*** 0.419*
90后 0.088 90后 -0.059
住地
安全
60后 -0.050 0.055 0.044 0.101** 工资太低 60后 0.016 0.093 -0.043 -0.075
70后 -0.010 -0.011 0.046 70后 -0.124 -0.136* -0.168
80后 0.006 0.057* 80后 0.090 -0.032
90后 -0.063 90后 0.092
组合制约 结婚 60后 0.058 -0.082*** -0.072*** 0.017 权威制约 单位内部调动 60后 0.000 -0.040 0.033 0.038
70后 0.047 0.010 0.099*** 70后 0.062*** 0.073*** 0.078***
80后 0.040 0.089*** 80后 -0.052* 0.006
90后 -0.077* 90后 -0.040
权威制约 福利
分房
60后 -0.059 -0.082** -0.035 -0.032 下岗 60后 0.055 0.030 0.074 0.096***
70后 0.057** 0.048 0.051 70后 0.020 0.044 0.066***
80后 -0.010 0.003 80后 -0.049 0.022
90后 -0.010 90后 -0.056

注:*表示显著性水平P < 0.1,**表示显著性水平P < 0.05,***表示显著性水平P < 0.01;表格中数据为均值差。

(1)60后居民与其余全体相比,3类制约未表现出显著性差异。通过两两代际比较,房价、住地安全、结婚和福利分房等方面呈现出明显代际差异。其中,60后较90后对房价/租金的感知存在明显不同(P < 0.1),其均值差表明处于职业适应期的90后因支付能力相对较弱,普遍选择在房价/租金较低时进行住房搬迁。其次,与90后相比,60后因自身体健康状况、社会地位及财富积累等方面,住房选择时更加注重住区环境安全(P < 0.05),特别是老旧房屋住房质量及住区周边治安问题易成为城市公共安全隐患,搬迁至治安条件良好的住区成为住房选择重要偏好之一。第三,60后与70后和80后相比,因结婚而迁居的均值偏小(P < 0.01),除了住房改革前住房资源相对较少并受国家分配安排外,60后居民对当时的低价住房资源并未过多关注,且具有传统的家庭生活观念(如“养儿防老”和“三代同堂”),亲代与子代同居是该代际群体情感联络和代际支持的重要表现。
(2)70后与其他群体相比,在组合制约中的福利分房方面表现出显著性差异。具体在与各代际对比中,是否因福利分房、结婚而搬迁分别与60后和90后表现出群体分异。其中1988-1998年期间国家开始探索新的新住房体制,分批分期深化住房改革,逐步取消公房的实物福利分配,形成了市场商品房和政府保障性住房的“双轨制”住房政策。即便1998年后国家全面停止住房实物分配并实行新的城镇住房制度,实现了住房商品化、社会化,但单位住房补贴与公房低租金制度仍然使得70后职工能以相对低廉的价格获取住房所有权或使用权。其次,教育程度的提高和经济条件的改善,使得个体化意识与独立自主生活观念不断增强,且多样的住房资源满足了代际关系主体个体化的需求,这些使得70后婚后群体独立门户趋势不断增强。
(3)80后的能力、组合及权威制约方面在与其余代群的对比中未表现出显著性差异。但与90后代际比较时,住地安全表现明显。在住房改革前,单位分房的住户一般以本单位职工为主,人员身份结构相对简单(如“干部居住区”和“知识分子聚居区”),居住环境安全良好。住房改革后,单位福利分房制度取消,特别是住房商品化与城市户籍制度的门槛弱化使得地区人员流动性增强,这使得住区环境安全成为购房者需要面对的主要问题之一。由此与住房支付能力较弱的90后相比,80后对住区环境安全的重视更为明显(P < 0.05)。受中国传统文化因素的影响,父母对年轻一代成家立业十分关注,多年的财富积累往往为子代提供经济资助,从而提高了年轻人在当前高房价时代中的购房能力,相应住房变迁成为城市80后适龄婚育者的重要特征。
(4)90后在与其余群体对比中,组合制约中的结婚因素显著负相关,主要原因除城市高房价压力外,90后多数还未经历生命周期中的婚育事件,且90后晚婚化、晚育化价值观念使得该群体早婚率相对较低。因此其他群体因结婚而进行的住所搬迁现象明显多于90后。

5.3 就业地变迁因素的代际差异

与其余群体比较时,60后学历对于就业地变迁表现出显著制约差异,70后与80后均为学历与单位调动,90后未表现出代际差异。进一步通过两两代际对比,不同的能力及权威制约代际结构差异明显。
(1)60后与其他群体相比能力制约中的学历因素影响显著。具体地,60后分别与70后和80后的均值差均在P < 0.01显著水平,其中60后与80后均值差达到最大(-0.778)。这与改革开放以来中国不断发展的教育基础设施建设、教育事业进程等相对应,特别是1999年教育部出台《面向21世纪教育振兴行动计划》,扩大了高等教育(包括大学本科、研究生)招生规模,使新生代群体(80后~90后)的教育学历水平普遍升高,这也使得该群体在当前就业自由化背景下的职业地点、岗位等级等方面具有较高的选择性与流动性。而计划经济体制下的职工就业往往受国家分配制约,60后与70后即便具备的高教育水平,仍需服从集体分配,相应就业自由流动现象偏少。
(2)除学历外,70后因单位内部调动而产生的就业地变迁,在与其余群体对比中表现明显,并且与各代际的比较中,70后对80后与90后的差异显著性均达到P < 0.01水平。由于70后群体多数已成为工作单位中层领导或骨干成员,收入空间将影响个体就业满意度及其离职意愿,因此无论是政府机关、事业单位或私有公司部门,通过岗位内部调动、轮换能进一步增加就业者自身工作积极性与职位晋升机会。而80后与90后一般处于职业发展适应期以及职业经验积累阶段,该群体由工作单位内部岗位调动而进行就业地变迁的现象明显较少。
(3)收入改善的可能性或预期收入在很大程度上影响着人们就业决策。由上表6,80后较70后群体因工资而发生的就业地变迁行为突出(P < 0.1)。结合上文80后就业地平均变迁率为207.03%,可知80后工作收入期望值与择业标准相对较高,特别是具备较好学历、知识结构、社会阅历的80后群体,对外在价值观(薪酬与声望等)及内在价值观(个人成就感等)等个人目标要求明显高于年长群体。除此之外,80后对高收入职业的选择往往迫于当前激烈的社会竞争,该群体需要承受较大的城市买房、赡养父母、子女抚养及其教育等生活压力,因此80后群体首先关注收入空间与个人发展,其次才更多关注自我价值的实现。
(4)90后的就业地变迁在与60后~80后全体比较中,能力、组合及权威制约方面均未表现出显著性差异。但与各代际分别比较中,因下岗而再次更换就业地的60后与70后居民明显多于90后群体(P < 0.01),这与该类群体经历20世纪90年代经济转轨过程中出现的国企单位下岗潮这一特有现象相一致。同时,中国当前产业结构已经明显优化,特别是非公有制经济吸纳就业岗位的规模与能力显著提升,90后新生代劳动力中并未出现职工下岗潮和明显失业现象。

6 结论与讨论

6.1 结论

不同代际居民在生命历程的人生转折阶段或关键时期会表现出群体性行为差异特征,从其多年来的行为活动可透视出居民生活经历背后的时代特点及城市内部空间的微观重构过程,从而有助于解读社会制度转向对居民日常生活决策的影响及其深层机制。基于时间地理学视角与代际差异理论,本文剖析了1988年与1998年就业与住房制度改革前后,广州市1960-1990年代出生居民(60后~90后)职住地变迁时空格局、特征的代际分异及其影响因素的结构性差异,研究发现:
(1)改革开放以来,各代际居民居住地与就业地呈现出不同的变迁过程与空间联系,由城市中心向近郊分布扩散的职住地变迁格局及其代际分异明显。
(2)职住自由化使得职住地变迁方向、距离、变迁率与驻留时长等方面表现出不同的代际分异。首先在空间特征方面,近40年间90后近距离职住地变迁率远高于其他代际,其次是80后,二者职住距离主要在7 km内;60后与70后的长距离职住关系成为演变趋势;其次,60后~90后在1998年住房制度改革后(1998-2016年)职住地变迁活动明显,迁居率分别为113.16%、112.33%、94.50%和65.44%,就业地变迁率分别为148.68%、197.26%、207.03%与111.62%;第三,在驻留时长方面,60后驻留时长变化显著,居住地由1988年就业改革前的14.43年缩至之后的5.43年,就业地则由12.43年减至3.95年;80与90后职住地驻留时长均偏短,其中就业地驻留时长均低于2年。
(3)在与全体样本对比中,60后与80后未在迁居能力、组合及权威制约方面表现出显著差异,而70后与90后分别受福利分房与结婚事件的影响显著。就业地变迁方面,60后与其余群体相比,受学历影响显著,70后与80后主要受学历与单位调动影响,90后未表现出明显制约差异。深入各代际对比,发现制约因素的代际分异更为明显,其中房价、婚姻、居住地安全及福利分房为不同代际居民迁居的差异性影响因素;学历、工资、单位调动和下岗对就业地变迁呈现出不同的代际影响。特别地,家庭成员上班方便、工作调动、子女上学及同事关系等组合制约因素,对于各代际群体的职住地变迁均无显著差异。

6.2 讨论

当前,中国城市职住迁移的总体格局与规律已有较多的研究解释,但对变迁问题的细化研究与模式归纳尚显不足。特别是中国城市学区房政策、家庭组成等宏观制度环境、微观行为模式与家庭生命周期明显不同于西方城市,特殊化与个性化变迁影响因素的考虑及其在家庭迁移中的内在作用程度与机制等有待探索。本文结合中国特殊的社会文化制度转型与历史事件影响,审视了中国不同代群在时代变迁下职住地选择行为的多样性和复杂性,证实了不同年龄段居民居住选择的显著性差异影响因素(如收入、房价、婚姻及国内特殊制度文化等[30,31,32,33,34]),但家庭成员部分活动事件(如子女上学)对职住地变迁并未体现出显著性差异,与部分学者的研究假设与结果不一致[22, 30],这表明西方或部分国内城市理论结果的适用问题仍需作深入探讨与深化解读。此外,文章还进一步提取了不同代群在职住空间与时间维度上的行为偏好,丰富了代际差异理论在地理学中的应用领域与内容。
因本次抽样调查街区主要分布于广州老城,城市近郊、远郊调查数据的完善将有助于更好地揭示代际职住地空间分异。其次,能力、组合及权威制约方面未就个体多次职住变迁前后的属性变化进行量化(如收入增长和职务等级变化),在一定程度上对代际群体职住地变迁原因解释受限。但本文结果仍可为相关议题(如公共服务资源与代际间弱势群体的空间分布公平性关系、家庭生命周期与个体生活轨迹变化等)与研究视角提供参考借鉴。
结合本文结果,在当前城市中心建设、棚户区改造、保障房建设与新城开发背景下,较晚出生的代际群体与其他弱势群体,其住房机会因房价支付能力被迫向城市边缘区转移。郊区交通设施的不完善以及自身就业能力、信息获取能力的不足,将进一步导致代际间弱势群体职住时空距离的两极分化,导致城市空间上的社会隔离与阶层分异。特别地,家庭背景对子代职住条件、社会地位的作用大小和方式存在显著影响,并在很大程度上决定了子代生活条件的优劣变化。随生命历程发展与代际流动,处于优势位置的家庭通过代际传递使得子代社会福利与父辈保持连续性,社会阶层将进一步固化,代内与代际间空间错位与空间公正的矛盾问题也将更为凸显。如何增加不同代际、阶层间的交流互动与集体效能,仍需要地理学、社会学、城市规划等多学科间的深入研究。

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

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Zhong Weijing, Wang De, Xie Dongcan, et al.Dynamic characteristics of Shanghai's population distribution using cell phone signaling data. Geographical Research, 2017, 36(5): 972-984.

[钟炜菁, 王德, 谢栋灿, 等. 上海市人口分布与空间活动的动态特征研究: 基于手机信令数据的探索. 地理研究, 2017, 36(5): 972-984.]对城市人口空间分布的动态把握是了解人口活动规律、认识城市空间结构、配置城市基础设施和公共服务设施及制订城市公共安全应急保障方案的重要依据。由于目前国内缺少系统的人口动态变化统计数据,城市内部层面的人口空间分布和活动的动态特征方面的相关研究难以开展,研究成果较为有限。移动电话是目前普及率最高的通讯终端设备,其用户的动态分布信息可以准确地反应整个城市人口的空间分布与活动的动态特征。利用手机信令数据,以上海市为例,构建“人口—时间—行为”关系的人口空间动态分析框架,分析上海市人口分布和活动的动态特征。结果表明:上海整体人口密度呈单中心的圈层空间分布结构,昼夜空间分布经历“白天向中心集聚、夜晚向郊区分散”的流动过程;人的各类活动(如通勤、消费休闲)会产生人口空间分布的动态变化,职住关系的不匹配和活动对中心的高度依赖使得人口的空间分布不均,形成向心流动模式。消费休闲行为对中心城区的依赖度明显高于就业活动,且集中体现在紧邻中心城区的外围近郊呈圈层分布。

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[7]
Horner M.Exploring metropolitan accessibility and urban structure. Urban Geography, 2004, 25(3): 264-284.

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[8]
Zhang P, Zhou J, Zhang T.Quantifying and visualizing jobs-housing balance with big data: A case study of Shanghai. Cities, 2017, 66: 10-22.Existing jobs-housing balance studies have relied heavily if not solely on small data. Via a case study of Shanghai, this study shows how cellular network data can be processed to derive useful information, job and housing locations of commuters in particular, for those studies. Based on cellular network data, this article quantifies and visualizes Shanghai's jobs-housing balance with a much larger sample (n02=026.3 million), finer spatial resolution and greater geographic coverage than ever before. It identifies and geocodes the local commuters by Base Transceiver Station (BTS), which has on average a service area of 0.1602km 2 . After detecting jobs and housing by BTS, it aggregates them by subareas of particular interest (e.g., traffic analysis zones, inner city, suburbs and exurbs) to local planners and decision-makers. It also visualizes the traffic flows associated with the actual (T act ), theoretical minimum (T min ) and maximum (T max ) commutes. It shows that Shanghai's commuting pattern is far from the extremes (indicated by T max and T min traffic flows) and Shanghai's relative balance of jobs with respect to housing is decent (3.202km) despite its huge population (24 million) and land area sizes (680002km 2 ). The cumulative distribution of the T act and T min flows vary more significantly when the commuting distance is less than 602km. In theory, there is high concentration of both jobs and housing within a 6-kilometer radius across different locales of the city. This potentially allows over 95% of all the local workers to find a job within 602km of his/her residence or vice versa. In reality, a much lower percentage (71%) of workers can enjoy such a benefit. This can imply that there is qualitative mismatch between jobs and housing.

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[9]
Peng Z R.The jobs-housing balance and urban commuting. Urban Studies, 2014, 34(8): 1215-1235.

[10]
Xu Yuanyuan, Tana, Li Xiang.Analysis of commuting behavior and employment center using subway smart card data. Human Geography, 2017, 32(3): 93-101.

[许园园, 塔娜, 李响. 基于地铁刷卡数据的城市通勤与就业中心吸引范围研究. 人文地理, 2017, 32(3): 93-101.]地理时空大数据为通勤行为和城市空间结构研究带来了新的机遇。基于一周地铁刷卡数据,采用出行链(trip-chain)数据模型对用户一天的出行进行描述,建立通勤识别规则,识别出上海市域的职住空间和通勤格局。上海市域平均通勤时间为35分钟,通勤主流向是向心流,说明上海市域依旧表现出强单中心结构。市域就业单中心与居住郊区化并存,中心城区多核心就业已经形成。在此基础上进一步分析中心城区13个就业(次)中心的吸引范围、模式以及在整个市域的影响力,讨论多中心发展对职住平衡与通勤消减的意义。结果表明:多中心发展有利于城市通勤的合理分配,虽然次中心的平均通勤时间不一定减少,但是就业(次)中心已经表现出对邻近地区的通勤吸引和对主中心的通勤分流。

[11]
Suzuki T, Lee S.Jobs-housing imbalance, spatial correlation, and excess commuting. Transportation Research Part A, 2012, 46(2): 322-336.In this paper, we use continuous urban structure instead of zonal model, try to calculate unbiased excess commuting with joint distribution of homes and workplaces developed by Vaughan (1974), and describe the relationship between urban structure and commuting distance explicitly and theoretically for generalized home–workplace assignment pattern. We simplify the quadrivariate distribution model to a model with three important parameters: the spread of homes, the spread of workplaces, and the spatial correlation of homes and workplaces. Then we show that excess commuting and capacity utilization are expressed by the imbalance and the spatial correlation of jobs–housing structure in a theoretical context, moreover it explicitly evaluates targeting US and Japanese/Korean cities.

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[12]
Sultana S.Job/Housing imbalance and commuting time in the Atlanta metropolitan area: Exploration of causes of longer commuting time. Urban Geography, 2002, 23(8): 728-749.Commuting is the major source of congestion and air pollution in the United States. For almost a decade, urban policy-makers have been concerned about the geographical balance between locations of jobs and housing as a strategy for reducing traffic congestion and air pollution in American cities. Despite the popularity and apparent acceptance of the job/housing (J/H) imbalance concept among public policy-makers, little empirical research has been done on the J/H imbalance and how it relates to commuting patterns. This research examines commuting patterns in the Atlanta metropolitan area to determine the extent to which commuting flow volume is the result of an imbalance between the location of home and workplace by using the most sophisticated and largest geographical scale data provided by the 1990 U.S. Census of Transportation Planning Package. This paper uses a Geographic Information System (GIS) to measure the job/housing imbalance within a commuting catchment area having a 7-mile radius from the centroid of each Transportation Analysis Zone. Analysis of variance, stepwise multiple regression and cartographic evidence all confirm the relationship between the imbalance of jobs and housing (J/H) and mean travel time to work. This investigation highlights the fact that the imbalance between the location of jobs and housing is the most important determinant for longer commuting and suggests that higher quality housing growth close to the job-rich communities may benefit the workers to economize the commuting time.

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[13]
Layman C C, Horner M W.Comparing methods for measuring excess commuting and jobs-housing balance: Empirical analysis of land use changes. Transportation Research Record Journal of the Transportation Research Board, 2010, 2174(1): 110-117.

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[14]
Antipova A, Wang F, Wilmot C.Urban land uses, socio-demographic attributes and commuting: A multilevel modeling approach. Applied Geography, 2011, 31(3): 1010-1018.Studies on the interrelationship between land use and travel behavior are often at some aggregate geographic unit such as the census tract, traffic analysis zone (TAZ), or the zip code level, and results have been inconclusive. This paper uses a multi-level modeling approach to examine the combined effects of land use types and socio-demographics (including both individual and neighborhood attributes) on commuting. Data used in this research include the Baton Rouge Personal Transportation Survey (BRPTS) of individual households and the Census Transportation Planning Package (CTPP) at the TAZ level. Land uses include agricultural, commercial/office and residential of various densities. A localized job-housing balance ratio is computed to measure job accessibility and also to capture the degree of mixed land uses around each residential location, and its effect on commuting behavior is examined. Commuting is measured by both travel distance and time in order to capture the spatial separation of residence and workplace as well as road conditions. The results indicate that land use types are significant in explaining commuting time, and socio-demographic characteristics of both individuals and neighborhoods play an important role in shaping individuals鈥 commuting behavior.

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[15]
Chai Yanwei, Zhang Yan, Liu Zhilin.Spatial differences of home-work separation and the impacts of housing policy and urban sprawl: Evidence from household survey data in Beijing. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2011, 66(2): 157-166.

[柴彦威, 张艳, 刘志林. 职住分离的空间差异性及其影响因素研究. 地理学报, 2011, 66(2): 157-166.]制度转型与空间重构背景下,中国大城市的居住与就业空间关系发生明显变化,职住分离现象逐渐凸显。尽管城市地理学者逐步关注转型期城市居住与就业空间关系的变化对居民通勤行为的影响,然而深入探讨微观个体所承受的职住分离程度的差异性及其影响因素的实证研究仍然缺乏。基于对北京城市520户家庭、806个通勤样本的问卷调查数据,本文借助多元回归模型验证了居住区类型、家庭及住房状况、以及其他社会经济属性等居民职住分离程度差异性的影响,从而折射城市转型过程中宏观制度性及结构性因素(如土地市场化改革、住房政策、单位制度改革、城市空间扩展等)对个体日常生活经历差异性的影响。

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[16]
Merlin L A.Measuring community completeness: Jobs-housing balance, accessibility, and convenient local access to nonwork destinations. Environment & Planning B Planning & Design, 2014, 41(4): 736-756.

[17]
Zhou J, Wang Y, Schweitzer L.Jobs/housing balance and employer-based travel demand management program returns to scale: Evidence from Los Angeles. Transport Policy, 2012, 20(1): 22-35.

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[18]
Findlay A, Mccollum D, Coulter R, et al.New mobilities across the life course: A framework for analysing demographically linked drivers of migration. Population Space & Place, 2015, 21(4): 390-402.Abstract Top of page Abstract Introduction Longitudinal Perspectives on Migration and Mobilities A Framework for Analysing Demographically Linked Drivers of Population Mobility Discussion and Conclusions Acknowledgement References Taking the life course as the central concern, the authors set out a conceptual framework and define some key research questions for a programme of research that explores how the linked lives of mobile people are situated in time–space within the economic, social, and cultural structures of contemporary society. Drawing on methodologically innovative techniques, these perspectives can offer new insights into the changing nature and meanings of migration across the life course. Copyright 08 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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[19]
Geist C, Mcmanus P A.Geographical mobility over the life course: Motivations and implications. Population Space & Place, 2008, 14(4): 283-303.Studies of geographical mobility are typically divided into studies of residential mobility, which are assumed to be motivated by family factors, and studies of migration, which are assumed to be motivated by the opportunities for realising economic gains as a result of the move. We use a life course approach and data from the 1999-2005 March Annual Social and Economic Supplement of the Current Population Survey to investigate the age trajectories of both residential mobility and migration among American adults. We find that mobility trajectories and motivations for moves vary by economic status and family status; that quality of life motivations and family factors account for a substantial proportion of long-distance as well as short-distance moves; and that both residential mobility and migration are associated with an increased risk of economic instability and family and employment changes in the year following the move. Copyright 脗漏 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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[20]
Cummins S K, Jackson R J.The built environment and children's health. Pediatric Clinics of North America, 2001, 48(5): 1241-1252.The quality and design of a child's physical environment can cause or prevent illness, disability, and injury; therefore, a high-quality environment is essential for children to achieve optimal health and development. Although pediatricians are accustomed to thinking about health hazards from toxic exposures, much less attention has been given to the potential for adverse effects from 鈥渂uilt environments,鈥 such as poor-quality housing and haphazard land use, transportation, and community planning. In fact, children spend little time in natural environments compared with the time they spend indoors and in neighborhoods. As children grow and mature, the scope of their environment predictably expands from the womb to the wider community to the broadest reach of the planet. The child's built environment is a central factor in this progression. Known and newly emerging diseases are linked to risk factors within the built environment, including injuries, lead poisoning, and the current epidemics of asthma and obesity. Building and land-use policies can undermine or promote safety, health, and optimal development while preserving future resources. This newly evolving field is ripe for future research. Pediatric advocates who can speak out effectively for children's needs within this broad arena are needed urgently. This article reviews and summarizes the negative and positive impact of the built environment on children's health.

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[21]
Liu Wangbao, Yan Xiaopei, Cao Xiaoshu.Housing type variation and its influencing factors in transitional urban China: based on analysis of CGSS 2005. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2010, 65(8): 949-960.

[刘望保, 闫小培, 曹小曙. 转型期中国城镇居民住房类型分化及其影响因素: 基于CGSS(2005)的分析. 地理学报, 2010, 65(8): 949-960.]Market competition mechanism and bureaucracy distribution system are the two main channels for China's urban residents to obtain individual housing. To some extent, the differences of channels and opportunities for different types of households to obtain rare housing resources reflect housing inequality and social division in urban China. Institutional factors, market factors and household factors have interacted to shape individual's housing choice in transitional urban China. Using China's General Social Survey (CGSS 2005) (urban part) which covers 88 cities across the country, this paper analyzes housing type variation and its influencing factors in transitional urban China. It is found that house-ownership rate increases more quickly since the reform in 1978 and its main causes have transformed from public housing reform policy to housing commercialisation policy prior to and after 1998. Housing commercialisation has been enhanced gradually, and diversity characterizes housing tenure structure in transitional urban China. The findings demonstrate that household life cycle change, income, hukou, types of work units and occupation have significant impacts on housing choice which manifests the dual significant effect on housing distribution system from institutional and market force. The findings also reveal that types of work units, hukou and life cycle variables have more significant effects on housing choice in more developed areas when housing sources tend to be rare resources and house prices go high and there exists a great gap of housing affordability among residents. With future development of housing commercialisation and housing system reform, local government should gradually relax the constraints for social housing, especially the hukou constraints. Real estate developers should concern more about household structure change and its impacts on the residential preferences in the context of rapid socio-economic transformation.

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[22]
Yang Yongchun, Tan Yiming, Huang Xing, et al.Housing choice of urban residents in china based on the transformation of cultural values: A case study in Chengdu. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2012, 67(6): 841-852.

[杨永春, 谭一洺, 黄幸, 等. 基于文化价值观的中国城市居民住房选择: 以成都市为例. 地理学报, 2012, 67(6): 841-852.]基于文化价值观视角,分析了中国城市居民的住区和住宅选择模式与机理,初步构建了计划经济体制和转型期中国城市居民住区、住宅选择的概念化理论模式,认为(中国)文化价值观一般会通过宏观和微观区位选择观、教育观、抚养和赡养观、养老观等四大途径单独或耦合影响城市居民住房的选择方式和结果,阐明了当代中国城市居民住房选择时文化价值观的作用,认为随着后辈的成长和长辈年龄的增长,代际居住模式呈现出一种中国特有的家庭周期性分异。随后,采用广泛的面对面的访谈式调查方法获取原始资料,以成都市为例进行了实证,并讨论了代际分居和合居的问题。结果表明,传统的抚养、赡养、教育、婚姻等方面的文化价值观在城市居民当前的住房选择中仍起到很大作用,但也同时受到了现代西方国家文化价值观的冲击,两者共同影响了城市居民的住宅选择。

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[23]
Kim T K, Horner M W, Marans R W.Life cycle and environmental factors in selecting residential and job locations. Housing Studies, 2005, 20(3): 457-473.Home and workplace location choices are closely related. The determinants of these choices operate differently based on an individual's life cycle, particularly with regard to the presence or absence of children. Individuals with children often place value on greenspace and recreational opportunities, while those without children often prefer smaller residential lots and locations with access to services. Existing studies have found that if residential location desires are satisfied, people are less likely to emphasize the importance of job location irrespective of their life stage. Taking a different approach, this study examines home-workplace decisions from a commuting standpoint. Commute durations and personal characteristics are used to analyse individual behavior. The contributions of this work include the finding that environmental characteristics and amenities may explain the connection between commuting behavior and residential location choices. Existing studies have not connected environmental characteristics and commuting behavior. This study also uses various GIS modeling techniques to explore the effects of previously unanalysed variables on residential location decisions.

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[24]
Kataure V, Walton-Roberts M.The housing preferences and location choices of second-generation South Asians living in ethnic enclaves. South Asian Diaspora, 2013, 5(1): 57-76.http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19438192.2013.722385

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[25]
Izuhara M.Life-course Diversity, Housing choices and constraints for women of the 'Lost' generation in Japan. Housing Studies, 2015, 30(1): 60-77.This article explores housing choices and trajectories of women in their 30s during a period of new risks and opportunities in Japan's post-growth urban context. Due to the economic recession and the broader context of neoliberal globalization, there has been an observed delay among post-youth adults in their progression through the life-course. Many of the life-course transitions including leaving parental home, family formation and purchasing home, which used to occur earlier in people's 20s, now often occur in their 30s. Thus the 30-somethings are a transitional cohort and women in particular are more likely to experience a profound impact in the context of economic deflation and deregulation. Drawing on qualitative data obtained through fieldwork, this article examines how women's diversified life-courses are shaping their housing choices; and how their housing opportunities are shaped by the wider structures of housing markets and institutions. It explores such processes of interplay between housing choices, opportunities and constraints of the ‘lost’ generation in Japan.

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[26]
Moore S Y, Grunberg L, Krause A J.The relationship between work and home: Examination of white and blue-collar generational differences in a large U.S. Organization. Psychology, 2014, 5(15): 1768-1776.

[27]
Lyons S, Kuron L.Generational differences in the workplace: A review of the evidence and directions for future research. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 2014, 35(Suppl.1): S139-S157.Generational differences in the workplace have been a popular topic over the past two decades, generating a volume of articles, book chapters and books. We critically review the research evidence concerning generational differences in a variety of work-related variables, including personality, work values, work attitudes, leadership, teamwork, work–life balance and career patterns, assess its strengths and limitations, and provide directions for future research and theory. Our review indicates that the growing body of research, particularly in the past 565years, remains largely descriptive, rather than exploring the theoretical underpinnings of the generation construct. Evidence to date is fractured, contradictory and fraught with methodological inconsistencies that make generalizations difficult. The results of time-lag, cross-temporal meta-analytic and cross-sectional studies provide sufficient “proof of concept” for generation as a workplace variable, but further theoretical and qualitative work is needed to flesh out mediators and moderators in the relationship between generation and work-related variables. We conclude by arguing for a more nuanced and theoretical research agenda that views generation as a social force in organizations rather than as merely a demographic variable. We also call for qualitative research, greater consideration of context and more methodological rigor. Copyright 08 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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[28]
Laurijssen I, Glorieux I.Early career occupational mobility of Turkish and Moroccan second-generation migrants in Flanders, Belgium. Journal of Youth Studies, 2015, 18(1): 101-117.This article analyses the early career occupational mobility of people from a Turkish or Moroccan descent in Flanders (Belgium). Previous research showed that second-generation migrants are less successful than natives when entering the labour market. We compare the progress in socio-economic status (SES) that youngsters of native and non-native descent make from their first to later jobs at the start of their career. Both second-generation immigrants and native majority young adults experience upward occupational mobility during this crucial phase of their occupational career. The gap between native and ethnic minority youth, however, does not narrow over the course of the years. The first job offers less SES for non-natives compared to that of natives, and the minority-native gap in occupational attainment remains constant afterwards. The future career is largely determined by the characteristics of the start of the occupational career, and educational attainment even before. Promising, however, might be the finding that a first job with a relative low occupational status does offer better opportunities for Turkish and Moroccan second-generation migrants than for native majority youth to do some catching up later on. In combination with a long-term negative impact of initial unemployment, ethnic minority youth perhaps are best off with starting to work as soon as possible after school leaving.

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[29]
Zhuo Macao, Kong Xiangli.Research on intergenerational occupational mobility of migrant workers: Double embeddedness about intergenerational differences and intergenerational transmission. Finance & Economics, 2016(6): 84-96.

[卓玛草, 孔祥利. 农民工代际职业流动: 代际差异与代际传递的双重嵌套. 财经科学, 2016(6): 84-96.]针对农民工代际间职业流动,利用2016年全国31个省份农民工实地问卷调研数据,构建农民工代际职业流动理论分析框架。采用代际职业继承指数与流动性指数等多维流动性指标,测度分析了农民工代际职业流动呈现代际差异与代际传递双重嵌套的特征事实。结论为:(1)农民工代际间职业分布存在代际差异,但在职业流动的代际差异中嵌套着职业代际传递与继承的共性;(2)农民工内部不同职业阶层存在大小不同的职业代际传递效应,形成结构性职业流动格局;(3)农民工代际间职业流动范围存在明显的分割性,表现为农民工非精英群体与农民工精英阶层之间存在着职业“潘篱”。因此,促进机会平等推动代际职业流动,对熨平中国社会不平等、促进新生代农民工城市融合具有根本性决定作用。

[30]
Wang Meimei, Yang Yongchun, Tan Yiming, et al.Behavior and factors influencing intergenerational household cohabitation/separation among urban Chinese citizens: A case study from Chengdu. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2015, 70(8): 1296-1312.

[王梅梅, 杨永春, 谭一洺, 等. 中国城市居民的家庭代际分/合居行为及其影响要素: 以成都市为例. 地理学报, 2015, 70(8): 1296-1312.]1978年以来,中国家庭小型化趋向非常显著,尤以代际分居为核心诱因,代际分居对转型期中国的社会稳定、家庭和睦乃至住房市场都构成了很大的影响。而且,中国的代际分居现象及其机制和西方社会存在根本的不同,此文讨论了转型期基于代际分居率和家庭生命周期的中国城市居民分/合居行为的概念模型,随后选择成都市主城区进行了实证,因为该地区不但社会经济发展速度快,户籍居民的老龄化趋向明显,而且兼受中国传统文化和西方文化的耦合影响。与西方发达社会基于家庭生命周期先合居、后分居的规律不同,中国城市居民家庭居住行为呈现出合居一(小)分居一合居一分居一(小)合居一(小)分居一(小)合居的变化过程。采用2012.2013年的实地调研数据,采用Pearson相关性分析法提取主要影响因素,后采用二元logistic回归方法研究了主要因素对居民分/合居行为的显著性和正负影响,并对不同年龄段的城市居民家庭代际分/合居行为的代际分,合居选择及其影响因素进行了分析。结论如下:①文化程度、配偶健在、家庭人均收入、父母应帮子女成家、父母应帮子女买房、与子女/父母代际分居意愿、作息习惯、饮食习惯、安静/热闹偏好、卫生习惯、居家习惯和私密空间习惯与家庭代际分居率正向显著;②年龄、家庭居住面积、父母应帮忙抚养孙辈、(子女)应该养老、父母/子女应临近居住、养儿防老、养育习惯等变量与家庭代际分居率负向显著;③不同年龄段居民的代际分/合居选择的影响因素及其显著度有所差异。

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[31]
Zhan Dongsheng, Zhang Wenzhong, Meng Bin, et al.Spatial structure of urban residence and employment in Beijing. Scientia Geographica Sinica, 2017, 37(3): 356-366.

[湛东升, 张文忠, 孟斌, 等. 北京城市居住和就业空间类型区分析. 地理科学, 2017, 37(3): 356-366.]

[32]
Zhong Yichun, Feng Jian, Residential spatial differentiation of migrant population within the city: A case study of Shenzhe. Progress in Geography, 2017, 36(1): 125-135.

[钟奕纯, 冯健. 城市迁移人口居住空间分异: 对深圳市的实证研究. 地理科学进展, 2017, 36(1): 125-135.]基于深圳市第六次人口普查数据,将迁移人口按照户籍地划分为市内迁移、省内迁移和省际迁移3种类型.通过计算区位熵分析街道迁移人口比重在全市中的水平,并用空间自相关来识别其空间集聚状况,以揭示迁移人口的空间分异格局,进而用分异指数刻画迁移人口的分异程度.然后以街道迁移人口比重为因变量,住房因素和就业因素为自变量,采用OLS模型、空间滞后模型和空间误差模型来分析和解释迁移人口居住空间分异的影响因素.结果表明:①迁移人口区位熵呈现出较为明显的圈层结构分布特征,以南山区和福田区为中心向外依次为市内、省内和省外迁移人口;②迁移人口的居住分布存在空间集聚,市内迁移人口集聚分布在行政中心周围,省内迁移人口集中分布在商业中心周围,省外迁移人口集中分布在工业园区较多的关外街道;③省外迁移人口与本地人口之间的居住分异程度最高;④省外迁移人口的居住空间分布显著地受住房因素的影响,省内迁移人口的居住空间分布则受就业因素的影响,住房和就业因素对市内迁移人口的居住空间分布的影响不显著.

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[33]
Zhou Chunshan, Tong Xinmei, Wang Juehan, et al.Spatial differentiation and the formation mechanism of population aging in Guangzhou in 2000-2010. Geographical Research, 2018, 37(1): 103-118.

[周春山, 童新梅, 王珏晗, 等. 2000-2010年广州市人口老龄化空间分异及形成机制. 地理研究, 2018, 37(1): 103-118.]分析2010年广州市人口老龄化空间分布特征,并采用因子生态分析方法、聚类分析方法划分老年人口社会空间地域类型,将两者叠加分析,得出广州市人口老龄化空间分异可划分为8种类型区并呈圈层和扇形分布的特征。通过与2000年的人口老龄化空间分异进行比较,归纳出广州市人口老龄化空间分异的变化具有历史继承性、随城市开发进程而结构趋于复杂化、出现类型更新和类型区范围变化等特征。广州市人口老龄化空间分异模式主要分为四种:老城区延续发展模式、中心城区更新转变模式、近郊区急剧转变模式、远郊区分异发展模式。最后从城市历史发展传承、城市规划建设引导、住房等制度变迁影响、房地产发展等方面探讨了广州市人口老龄化空间分异形成机制。

[34]
Liu Wangbao, Yan Xiaopei.Life course and housing tenure transition in urban China: A case study of Guangzhou. Geographical Research, 2010, 29(6): 1117-1128.

[刘望保, 闫小培. 转型期广州市生命历程与住房产权转换. 地理研究, 2010, 29(6): 1117-1128.]作为家庭生命历程中的重要事 件,住房产权转换与家庭特征变化、个人与工作单位的关系以及区域住房市场环境变化紧密相关。采取事件史分析方法,将住房产权转换与个体生命历程中的重要事 件关联起来,分析住房产权转换的影响因素。对住房产权转换的持续期的研究发现,处于租房状态下的住户改变产权状态的愿望较强,但产权一旦进入自有状态,居 民改变产权的愿望就会降低;从住房产权的生存时间来看,最终向全部产权转变的生存时间最长,其次是向资助产权的转变,最短的是向租房产权转变;通过建立 COX’s比例风险模型分析发现,家庭生命周期变化和组织变量对住房产权转换的影响都非常显著,说明在中国特殊背景下,住房产权的转换不仅与家庭基本特征 变化密切有关,还与个人单位的基本特征密切相关,这正是转型时期计划体制和市场分配体制双重力量相互作用的结果。

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[35]
Chen Zao.Study on the intergenerational differences in the employment of migrant rural workers. Population Journal, 2011(2): 75-82.

[陈藻. 我国农民工就业代际差异研究: 以成都市为例. 人口学刊, 2011(2): 75-82.]统筹城乡经济社会发展是一项系统工程,统筹城乡就业则是其中重要组成部分。结合对成都市农民工就业状况的调研数据,运用定量研究的方法,分析第一代农民工与新生代农民工就业代际差异与相关影响因素。研究结果显示:两代农民工在职业价值观、就业发展能力和就业质量等方面,既有很大的代际差异,也存在一定的代际传承现象,探讨解决新生代农民工就业问题的路径选择:构建实现社会公平正义的制度安排;探讨劳动力市场灵活稳定型就业机制的实现路径;加大对其人力资本的投入力度;促使其实现从"半城市化"向"市民化"的转变;构建和谐劳动关系。

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[36]
Song Jian, Huang Fei.Inergenerational relationship between adult only child and their parents. Population Research, 2011, 35(3): 3-16.

[宋健, 黄菲. 中国第一代独生子女与其父母的代际互动: 与非独生子女的比较研究. 人口研究, 2011, 35(3): 3-16.]20世纪七、八十年代出生的中国第一代独生子女已经进入了青年时期,他们的父母也渐入老境。利用2009年全国城市抽样调查数据,通过独生子女与非独生子女的比较研究,本文从子女视角出发,以独生子女属性和生命历程状态为研究重点,探讨开始逐渐步入自己人生轨迹的青年子女与其父母之间的代际互动关系。分析结果表明,独生子女比非独生子女更可能与父母同住,并得到父母较多的经济帮助;独生子女与非独生子女在给予父母经济支持和情感联络方面并无显著差异。就业、结婚和生育等生命事件,对代际互动有重要影响。在业、在婚、已育子女更可能与父母分开居住,更少接受父母的帮助,更少与父母情感联络,但会给予父母更多的经济支持。论文据此对第一代独生子女父母的养老前景进行了讨论。

[37]
Huang Xiaoting, Zhang Xiaoshan, Zhao Ying.Temporal-spatial behavior patterns of Chinese mainland tourists at Ocean Park Hong Kong. Resources Science, 2015, 37(11): 2140-2150.

[黄潇婷, 张晓珊, 赵莹. 大陆游客境外旅游景区内时空行为模式研究: 以香港海洋公园为例. 资源科学, 2015, 37(11): 2140-2150.]本文基于旅游者时空行为视角,以香港海洋公园为案例对大陆游客在境外旅游景区内部的旅游行为进行研究,以参与活动、停留时间和到访景点等为聚类要素进行聚类分析,结构化描述大陆游客在香港景区内的旅游时空行为模式,为更加全面和准确地认识大陆赴港游客在景区内的旅游时空行为,提升大陆游客出境旅游体验质量和优化景区产品管理提供研究基础。香港海洋公园大陆游客的样本性别结构、年龄结构、学历结构和收入结构基本符合正态分布的规律,地域结构基本符合距离衰减规律,在对有效样本进行聚类分析后得出8类模式,分别为全天覆盖型、半日覆盖型、下午覆盖型、全天山上型、半日山上型、中午场馆型、下午场馆型和短时折返型。本文通过研究旅游者外显时空行为模式的识别和结构化分析,在精确刻画的基础上帮助研究者更加深刻地理解旅游者行为方式,最终为优化旅游者行为、提高旅游者体验质量、提升旅游目的地和旅游景区管理水平提供理论支持。

[38]
Chai Yanwei, Wang Enzhou.Basic concepts and notation of time-geography. Economic Geography, 1997, 17(3): 55-61.

[柴彦威, 王恩宙. 时间地理学的基本概念与表示方法. 经济地理, 1997, 17(3): 55-61.]时间地理学是研究各种制约条件下人的行为时空间特征地理学。本文在介绍时间地理学基本问题提出背景基础上.说明时间地理学的基本概念和表示方法、图解了时间地理学核心概念中的三大制约。

[39]
Zhao Ying, Chai Yanwei, Chen Jie, et al.GIS-Based analyzing method for spatial-temporal behavior data. Geography and Geo -Information Science, 2009, 25(5): 1-5.

[赵莹, 柴彦威, 陈洁, 等. 时空行为数据的GIS分析方法. 地理与地理信息科学, 2009, 25(5): 1-5.]基于时间地理学的概念模型,建立时空路径分析的GIS数据模型,并通过GIS三维可视化工具,实现了个体时空路径的三维可视化。运用2007年北京城市居民日常活动调查数据,对所提出的数据模型和方法进行实验。结果表明,时空行为数据的GIS分析方法有效地集成了GIS的空间分析和三维可视化功能,为人类时空行为数据的直观表现和分析提供了有效的技术手段。最后,讨论和展望了时空行为数据GIS分析方法的研究方向。

[40]
Chen Jie, Lu Feng, Zhai Han et al. Making place recommendations: An individual accessibility measure to urban opportunities in space and time. Acta Geographica Sinica, 2015, 70(6): 931-940.

[陈洁, 陆锋, 翟瀚, 等. 面向活动地点推荐的个人时空可达性方法. 地理学报, 2015, 70(6): 931-940.]如何在时空制约条件下合理安排个人活动与出行是现代社会中人们日常工作和生活的迫切需求。个人时空可达性研究以个人时空行为视角聚焦个人在时空条件下开展各种活动的自由度,长期以来一直受到人文地理学、社会学和交通工程学等领域的广泛关注。本文基于时间地理学理论,提出一种个人时空可达性方法,顾及活动地点开放时间、最短活动时长及个人活动偏好,实现个人时空可达性分析与评价。然后,利用城市餐饮类服务设施空间位置、营业时间、公众评级等多维时空属性信息及城市路网数据检验方法有效性。本文提出的个人时空可达性方法可为空间规划、时空行为研究提供方法支撑,同时,面向个性化活动地点推荐,可为个人智慧出行提供策略与指导,并且在公众位置信息服务及位置社交网络内容服务等方面具有良好的应用前景。

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[41]
Patterson Z, Farber S.Potential path areas and activity spaces in application: A review. Transport Reviews, 2015, 35(6): 679-700.Thepotential path area(PPA) andactivity space(AS) concepts play a central role in the substantial amount of applied research focusing on the quantitative analysis and description of people's spatial behaviour. Given this large literature, and the surprising lack of a formal review of the research, the time is ripe for a systematic review. This paper examines how the key concepts of PPAs and ASs have evolved, how they have been applied, what issues need to be resolved, and potential areas for future research. The review begins with the main theoretical developments influencing the applied use of these methods, and continues with a categorization of the literature across three dimensions 鈥 research domain, methods of calculation and application purpose. We find that the methods have been used not only in the core originating fields of travel behaviour and transport geography, but also in health, criminology and demography, and are growing fastest in health. The methods have been applied to a number of purposes with applications to accessibility the most common and the fastest growing. Demonstrated interest in these methods, along with the technologies and data to facilitate them, suggests a bright future for the use of PPAs and ASs in the social sciences.

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[42]
Qi Mingyao, Wu Tao, Zhang Xin.Vehicle routing problem: From a perspective of time geography, Journal of Geo-Information Science, 2015, 17(1): 22-30.

[戚铭尧, 吴涛, 张新. 车辆路径问题: 从时间地理学的视角. 地球信息科学学报, 2015, 17(1): 22-30.lt;p>车辆路径问题具有典型的时空分布特征,受到众多时空约束条件的制约。在车辆路径规划中,综合考虑时间和空间因素是非常必要的。本文从时间地理学这一全新的视角来研究车辆路径问题,提出一套完整的时间地理学分析框架,阐述了时间地理学的基本概念,提出了车辆路径问题中的时空约束、时空路径、时空棱柱、时空可达性、时空距离等概念,并给出了图示或定量化的度量方法。论文提出的时空距离度量方法综合考虑了顾客在空间位置和时间窗口2 个方面的特征,可更科学地判定顾客之间的&ldquo;邻近性&rdquo;。论文通过设计一种求解大规模软时间窗车辆路径问题的算法,证明了时空距离的价值,并展望了时间地理学在求解动态车辆路径规划问题、移动设施路径规划问题等方面的应用。本文的贡献在于,通过时间地理学所提供的一系列概念和方法,实现了在统一的框架下同时考虑车辆路径问题(VRP)的时间和空间特征的构想,挖掘了传统时间地理学理论在车辆路径领域中的应用潜力,这将有利于更快或者更好地求解VRP问题。</p>

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[43]
Wu Xiaoying.Intergenerational conflict and the change of youth discourse. Youth Studies, 2006(8): 1-8.

[吴小英. 代际冲突与青年话语的变迁. 青年研究, 2006(8): 1-8.]社会结构中的代际冲突与青年话语的变迁密切相关。由于代沟的不可消弭,不同代之间可以表现为三种关系形式:控制、疏离与对话,它们分别对应于不同的青年话语形式:听话的“乖孩子”类型、不安分的反叛者类型以及独立的先行者类型。本文通过对近年来国内几个代际冲突热点事件的分析,指出当前中国代际冲突的实质在于青年话语的变迁以及主流社会对于这种变迁的不敏感。因此促进代际和谐的关键之一是从制度和文化上赋予青年应有的话语空间和自主权力,加强双方之间的对话,将彼此之间的较量关系转化为合作关系。

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[44]
Smola K W, Sutton C D.Generational differences: Revisiting generational work values for the new millennium. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 2002, 23(4): 363-382.Abstract As we enter the new millennium and face the entrance of another generation of workers into the changing world of work, managers are encouraged to deal with the generational differences that appear to exist among workers. This paper revisits the issue of generational differences and the causes of those differences. Data were obtained from more than 350 individuals across the country who responded to a request to complete a survey. Current generational differences in worker values are analysed and the results are compared to a similar study conducted in 1974. Results suggest that generational work values do differ. To a lesser degree, the results suggest that work values also change as workers grow older. Finally, the results indicate an increasing desire among American workers to balance work and personal goals. This change in attitude was reflected even within the same cohort group. Copyright 漏 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

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[45]
Moore S, Grunberg L, Krause A J.Generational differences in workplace expectations: A comparison of production and professional workers. Current Psychology, 2015, 34(2): 346-362.Much of the extant literature regarding generational cohort differences has been conducted on college-educated participants, a potential bias noted by previous researchers. The present study therefore examines generational cohort differences in workplace expectations between professional (i.e., “white-collar,” largely college educated) and production (i.e., “blue-collar,” largely non-college educated) workers. Using online survey data from 2,799 union workers employed by the same organization, we compared expectations when first hired as well as current workplace expectations between professional and production workers from three different generational cohorts (i.e., Gen Y, Gen X, and Baby Boomer). We found evidence for generational differences that confirms some of the common characterizations of Gen Y workers; however, this characterization was principally found within our professional subgroup of Gen Y employees. Further, the data suggest that other factors (e.g., workplace experiences, maturation effects) may shape current workplace expectations more than do generational differences. These results suggest that concern over generational differences may be limited to certain workplace expectations and to specific subgroups of employees.

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[46]
Wang Xuelong, Yuan Yiming.The social mobility of Chinese society: Trends and causes. Economic Research Journal, 2015, 50(9): 58-71.

[王学龙, 袁易明. 中国社会代际流动性之变迁: 趋势与原因. 经济研究, 2015, 50(9): 58-71.]改善代际流动性,对提升人力资本效率和避免中等收入陷阱至关重要。本文使用CHNS数据,基于Altham指标和反事实分析,从年龄群组的视角考察中国代际流动性变迁的趋势与原因。研究发现,中国城镇居民代际流动性在60后、70后与80后群组间呈现先降后升的趋势,即60后代际流动性最高,70后代际流动性最低,80后代际流动性居中。教育是影响职业阶层的最重要因素,其重要性随时代演进而增强。教育不平等效应对不同年龄群组的代际流动性变迁具有重要影响,尤其对70后代际流动性的下降具有很强的解释力。教育不平等效应取决于家庭背景差异对子女教育的影响、教育体系不平等程度、教育在劳动力市场中的重要性三种因素。旨在改善代际流动的政策设计,应以上述三种因素为着力点。

[47]
Chen J, Lian R.Generational differences in work values in China. Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 2015, 43(4): 567-578.We examined the generational differences in Chinese employees鈥 work values using the Chinese Work Values Scale with 1,015 Chinese employees across three generations (i.e., Cultural Revolution generation, n = 148; Transitional generation, n = 355; Millennial generation, n = 512). We found that, even with gender, education, and position taken into account, the Millennial generation placed more importance on intrinsic and extrinsic rewards than did the Transitional generation or the Cultural Revolution generation, and that the Cultural Revolution generation placed more importance on altruism than did the younger generations. Results also showed that generation exerted more influence on work values than did age. This implies that, taking these results into account, current human resource management practices in organizations and institutions in China should be adjusted accordingly.

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[48]
Dou W, Wang G, Zhou N.Generational and regional differences in media consumption patterns of Chinese generation X consumers. Journal of Advertising, 2006, 35(2): 101-110.This study applies generational cohort theory, as well as uses and gratifications theory, to investigate the media program preferences of China's Generation X (Gen X) consumers. Using syndicated data from a large random sample of urban Chinese consumers, we find that the Gen X cohort consumers, compared with their preceding generational cohorts, tend to pay more attention to entertainment-based media programs such as television drama series and radio pop music, and shun information-based topics such as news or business reports. Furthermore, while cohort effects on preferences for media program types exist, the effects are less pronounced in more developed regions in China. Compared with their counterparts in Xi'an, a less developed city, Gen X consumers living in Guangzhou, a more developed city, are more attentive to information-based programs on television and in newspapers, and show less preference for entertainment-based content.

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[49]
You Jia, Sun Yuchun, Lei Hui.An empirical study of generational differences in work values for Chinese new generation. Soft Science, 2013, 27(6): 83-88.

[尤佳, 孙遇春, 雷辉. 中国新生代员工工作价值观代际差异实证研究. 软科学, 2013, 27(6): 83-88.]

[50]
Li S M, Liu Y.The jobs-housing relationship and commuting in Guangzhou, China: Hukou, and dual structure. Journal of Transport Geography, 2016, 54: 286-294.

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